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April 27, 2007

NEWBRIDGE, PARISH OF - Comerford's Dioceses of Kildare and Leighlin

PARISH OF NEWBRIDGE.

THIS Parish comprises the parochial districts of Old Connall, Great Connall, Killishee, Carnalway, Ballymanny, Morristown-Biller, and some small portions of Pollardstown and Ladytown.

OLD CONNALL.

        This name is derived from Congbhail, “a habitation” Literally it signifies comprehending or including, and as applied to a habitation, would mean, the whole of the premises included in the establishment. (Joyce.) The earliest ecclesiastical reference we find made to this locality is in connection with St. Conlaeth, first Bishop of Kildare, who, previous to his appointment as founder of that See, dwelt here as a Recluse. (See Vol. I. p. 2.)  He is styled artificer to St. Brigid, and was a skilled worker in the precious metals.  This neighbourhood had been noted for this art even in Pagan times.  The annals of Ireland at the year A.M.3657, record, “It was by Tigearnmas that gold was first smelted in Ireland, in Foithre-Airther-Liffé;”which passage is thus given in the Annals of Clonmacnoise:- “Tigernmas was the first who caused standing cuppes to be made and refining gould and silver, and procured his goldsmith named Ugden, who dwelt near the Liffey, to make gould and silver pinnes,” &c.  Conlaeth relinquished his hermit’s cell at Old Connall on his consecration, which took place about the year 490. At Old Connall, - the Seanchonail of Dr. Geoghegan’s list,- the site of the old parochial church exists, and is now used as a burial-ground ; no portions of the old church remain, though the foundations may still be traced; some walls now standing are comparatively modern.  The following Epitaphs mark the graves of priests buried at Old Connall: - “This stone was erected by Thomas Staunton.  Here lyes ye Body of ye Rev. Thady Staunton, P.P. of Great Connall and V.G. of ye Dioces of Kildare, who departed this life ye 2nd of February, 1762, aged 69 years.”  “Here lyeth the Body of the Revd. Charles McDermott, P.P. of Connall, who departed this life the 22nd day of February, 1777, in the 48th year of his age.  Requiescat in pace.” The tradition is that this priest was drowned whilst attempting to cross the Liffey at Athgarvan, there being no bridge there at the time.  Two other priests named Daly and O’Shaughnessy, also are interred here; whether they were secular priests or Dominicans has not been ascertained.  A very extensive and remarkable Sepulchral Mound is to be seen hard-by; the name of the chieftain or hero, in whose honour it was raised, is not known. 

GREAT CONNALL.

 

An Augustinian Priory was founded here in 1202, under the Invocation of the Blessed Virgin Mary and St. David, by Myler FitzHenry, whose father was natural son of King Henry I.  FitzHenry came to with the first Anglo-Norman adventurers, young and in high esteem for his personal bravery and warlike exploits.  He filled this House with Regular Canons from the Monastery of Lanthony in Monmouthshire, and, dying in the year 1220, was interred in the Chapter-house of this Priory with this epitaph, -

 “Conduntur tumulo Myleri nobilis ossa.

               Indomitus domitor totius gentis Hiberniae.” 

Of which the following very inelegant translation has been given:-

            “Intombed are the bones of him they Noble Meler call,

                  Who was the tamelesse tamer of the Irish nation all.” (Hanmer.)

A.D. 1203. Faelan MacFaelan, Lord of Hy Faelain, died in the Monastery of Connall. (Four Masters.)  The territory of Hy Faelain , as appears from the Irish Calendars and other documents, formerly include Naas, and the Churches of Clane, Laraghbrine, Donoughmore, Cloncurry, and Feighcullen.  It looks strange that the chief of Hy Faelain should die in this Monastery the year after its erection.  It is probable that, after being subdued, he consented to become a monk in the great Monastery erected in his territory by the English conqueror.  (O’Donovan)

A.D. 1205, September 10th.  King John confirms grant made by Meyler FitzHenry, in frankalmoign, to the abbey of Connall and to the Canons of Lanthony there, of the townlands of Tachenohea, Bithelan, Oluvartheda, Lisnerguith, Athcargr, Kellingan (Kildangan), Mullinkerly, and Baletarsna, with all their appurtenances; three carucates of land at Connall, viz-the moiety of Balibochel, which he had in exchange from Roger Gernun; and on the other side of the water, a carucate which Stephen Carpenter had possessed, with a carucate in the vale of Dublin; Kilpool, with its appurtenances, and eight mease (nets) of herring rent; five burgages in Dungarvan; four carucates at Karebri (Carbury?); at Atornorohor the town on Rathet, with five carucates; in Kerry, ten carucates; and the churches and ecclesiastical benefices of all his lands in Ireland, however procured; and whenever any of the said churches and benefices should become vacant, they were then to be converted to the use of the Prior and convent; the tithe of all his rent, whether paid in money or otherwise; the chapelry of his court, a tenth of the household expenditure of him or his wife, in bread, drink, kitchen and chamber; and a tenth of his rents, and of all perquisities of his lands; and a tenth of all his mills and fisheries, wool, flax, hay, gardens, yards, and increase of animals, etc., as is witnessed by the Charter of Meyler aforesaid.  Witnesses, John Archbishop of Dublin, William, Bishop of Glendalough, David, Bishop of Waterford, Godfrey Fitz-Peter, Earl of Essex, Earl Alberic, Saier de Quincy.  Bristol . (Charter, 7 John, No. 7. Cal. St. Papers, Sweetman I. No. 273.)  Meyler also built the church and town of Ardnorchur (now called Horselesp, Co. Westmeath. See Lewis’s Top. Dict.), and granted both to this priory after the decease of Eliderus le Waleys, who was to possess all profits and emoluments arising from the same during his life, he paying to the convent yearly- pounds of wax; the prior of this house did certainly enjoy the same till the 4th or 5th year of King Henry III., when Matilda de Lacy recovered by law the advowson of the Church of Ardnorchur. – (King, p. 224.)  1250, Sept. 1st.  As the King has doubts regarding the plaint before R. de Shardalawe and his associates, justices in Eyre in , between Matilda de Lacy, plaintiff, and the Prior of Connall, deforciant, touching the advowson of Ardnorchur, the King appoints to the parties a day before himself on the morrow of Michaelmas.  (Close R.Hen. III., St. Papers, Sweetman, Vol, I. No. 3082.)    

A.D. 1209.  Henry was Prior. (King, p. 170)

A.D. 1212. William, Prior of Connall, was witness to a grant made by Richard of Castlemartin, to the Church of the Holy Trinity, Dublin . (Reg. Christ’s Ch. Dub.)

A.D.  1220 William Mareschal granted a Charter to this Priory and died the same year. (King. P. 224.)

The Prior of this house had a prolonged dispute with Richard Fleming, Bishop of Leighlin, for sundry lands and tithes situated in Leix, belonging to that See.  The suit terminated in a compromise, by which the bishop resigned the lands and tithes to the prior, receiving, instead, an annual pension of 12 marks, payable to him and his successors in Leighlin.  This decision was made previous to 1226, as Bishop Fleming died in that year. – For Rectories, etc., in Leix, belonging to the priory of Great Collall, see Inquisition taken at Maryborough, 7 Sept., 1607, infra.

A.D.1250, April 12th. Mandate to John FitzGeoffrey, justiciary of , to allow the Prior of Connall and the other executors of the will of Geoffrey de Turville, late Bishop of Ossory, to have administration of his chattels, debts due to the King to be first levied thereout. (Pat. Roll, Sweetman, Vol. I., No. 3120.)

A.D.1252. Thomas, Prior of Connall was chosen by the Chapter, on the 22nd April, Bishop of Leighlin.  He died 25th April, 1275.

A.D. 1281. Roger de Bigod, Earl of Norfolk, and Philip le Bocland, his seneschal of the County of Carlow , did, about this time, distrain the Prior’s cattle at Caniho, viz.-77 sheep, amounting in value to 100 shillings, for not attending the suit and service of the said Earl.  The Prior defended himself, and made answer, that he owed no such suit or service, the said manor being granted to his priory by William, Earl of Pembroke, in free and pure alms. (King, p. 224.)

A.D. 1340.  William was Prior.  He sued Walter Christophre, in order to compel him to make up his accounts for such time as he had been bailiff to him in Ballycolryn, in the County of Kildare . ( Id. )

A.D. 1380.  This priory was included in the number of Religious housed into which, by the Act of Richard II., it was forbidden to admit any mere Irishmen to Profession.  In 1324, Dean Butler writes, Edward II. complained to the Pope that the Irish refused to admit Englishmen into their Monasteries, (Rymer, Vol. 2. p.554.)  And in 1337, Edward III. says, that his father had ordered that no Irishman should be admitted into any English Monastery, but had afterwards revoked the order, and he now orders that all loyal Irish be admitted in the same way as Englishmen,  (Rymer  2. 964).  In the famous Parliament of Kilkenny, in 1366, the exclusion of Irishmen from English Monasteries was again enacted; and in 1380 the following Writ was sent, inter alios to the Abbots of Baltinglass and Dowysk (Graignamanagh), and the Priors of Connall, etc., “that whereas, in a Parliament of Edward III., held in Kilkenny on the Thursday after Ash-Wednesday, in the 40th year of his reign, a Statute was made, which was confirmed in the last Parliament, held at Dublin, that no Irishman nor any enemy of the King should be admitted into any religious  house amongst the English within the land of Ireland, but that those of the English nation should be admitted; the King orders the aforesaid Statute to be observed in all particulars.  (Nov. 24., Rot. Cl. 4 Richd. II., 116.) 

A.D. 1395. A Patent Roll, 26th of May, 18th year of Richd. II., mentions Robert Greves as “Prior Beatae Mariae de Conale.”

A.D. 1406. This yeere the Prior of Connall, in the Plaine of Kildare, fought valiantly and vanquished 200 of the Irish that were well armed, slaying some of them and chasing others; and the Pryor had not with him but 20 Englishmen – and thus God assisteth those that put their trust in Him.” (Marleborough’s Chronicle.)

A.D. 1412. Richard, the Prior, died on the Monday next after the Purification of the Blessed Virgin, and on the Thursday following, Philip Stoyll was elected in his room, who continued Prior till the year 1418.  (King ; Ware,)

A.D. 1447. In the summer and autumn of this year there raged a great plague of which the prior of Connla died ….. Some say that 700 priests died of this plague.  (Four Masters.)  Duald Mac Firbis gives this passage thus:- “Greate ffamine in the spring of this yeare throughout all , so that men were then wont to eate all manner of herbs for the most part.  A great plague in summer, harvest, and winter, of which died the prior of Connla.

A.D. 1454. Nicholas was prior (See Address to Richard, Duke of York, from the chief persons in the county of Kildare ).

A.D. 1455. The king granted to the prior a power to acquire lands to the yearly value of £10; and the Parliament passed an Act empowering all those to whom such lands belonged, to alienate them to the Prior of Connall.  (King.)

A.D. 1458.  An enrolment of 36th year of the reign of Henry VI. (c.14), describes this priory as entirely wasted by the Irish enemy, and grants to the Prior the rectory and village of Morestown and Ladytown.

A.D.1461.  In a Patient Roll, dated 20th of May, 1st year of Edward IV., Nicholas, Prior of Connall, is named of the Privy Council:  “Rex constituit Nicholaum, Priorem domus B. Mariae de Connall, unum de Consilio Regis in Hibernia.”

A,D. 1476-7.  A decree of 15th and 16th of the same reign (c. 16), styles the priory of Connall, “one of the principal keys of the county of Kildare,” and sets forth that several grants of the late abbot to various of the Irishry had impoverished the priory; these, “considering the good, true heart of Esmond, the new Prior,” are accordingly made void, with the proviso that that act was “not to prejudice any man of the English nation.”

A.D. 1486.  Nicholas was Prior; he was amongst those who took part with Lambert Simnel.  He received the royal pardon for this in 1488.  (Ware,)

A.D.1519.  Walter Wellesley was prior about this time, when the king endeavoured unsuccessfully to have him promoted to the See of Limerick.  In 1520, he was recommended by the Earl of Surrey for the See of Cork, but the appointment did not take place.  In 1529, he was promoted to the See of Kildare, still retaining, by dispensation, his priory, which he continued to hold up to the period of his death.  He was, sometime Master of the Rolls.  In 1531, he paid 6s. 8d. proxies to the Archbishop of Dublin for the appropriate church of Bithel . (Harris’s Col.) The Act of Parliament of 1537, which confiscated the abbeys of the Pale, did not touch Connall.  The Prior, then Bishop, warded off the blow, by a petition which his chaplain delivered to the Duke of Norfolk, on the part of Stephens, one of the grooms of the king’s bed-chamber, praying that the Priory of Connall should not be suppressed, as it was united to the Bishopric of Kildare. (Han. Cal. i., 26.)  The Prior of this House ranked as a Spiritual Peer, but was seldom summoned.

On the receipt of the Order for suppressing all the monasteries and abbeys in Ireland, the Lord Deputy and Council petitioned the king to have a certain six houses, of which Connall was one, exempted-“For in these houses,” the petition sets forth, “commonly and other such like, in default of common inns, which are not in this island, the King’s Deputy and all other his Grace’s council and officers, also Irishmen and others resorting to the King’s Deputy in their quarters, are and have been most commonly lodged at the cost of the said Houses.  Also young men and children and others, male and female, both gentlemen’s children and others, are brought up in virtue and learning, and in the English tongue and behaviour, to the great charges of the said Houses.”  (State Papers, iii., p. 130.) (1)

            Dr. Wellesley died in 1539, and was buried in his own priory, where his monument is still partially preserved, being built into the wall which encloses the present  burial-ground.  It formed an altar-tomb, having the figure of a bishop, with mitre, pastoral-staff, etc., in low relief, and around the sides the following inscription in black-letter: “Hic jacet frater Walterus Wellesley, quondam Episcopus Darensis, hujus Domus Commendatarius, cujus animae propitietur Deus.  Qui obiit Anno Domini M.D. …..”  Other sculptured portions of this tomb have been also set in the same wall with a view to their preservation; they represent the Crucifixion with the B. Virgin and St. John on either side; the Ecce Homo; St. Peter bearing the keys; and a mitred ecclesiastic, probably St. Augustine .

             This House was surrendered by Robert Wesley, the last Prior, on the 23rd of April, 1541, “voluntarily and with the consent of the Community,” as the phrase ran.  When the surrender was voluntary, the Prior and Religious could make terms and get pensions.  If the surrender were forced, no terms would be given.  As a consequence of this manner of procedure, almost all the surrenders were voluntary.  The following yearly pensions were granted on this occasion to the Religious of this house: 40s. to Walter Blake, “late Parson of the Convent of Connall;” 40s. to Hugh Doyne; 26s.8d. to Philip Blake; 26s.8d. to Patrick Rocheford; 20s. to Patrick Newell; 20s.to Patrick More; and 20s. to Nicholas Doyne; all issuing out of the church of Carbre ; and a yearly pension of £13.6s.8d. to Robert Welesley, issuing out of the churches of Ratherne, Killim, and Carbre.  (Patent Rolls, 31,32 Henry VIII.)

            Ormonde to Cromwell, Oct. 19th, 1539:-“The Bishop of Kildare having the Priory of Connall in commendam, is dead, for which Priory a kinsman of mine and an assured friend, Thomas Eustace of Kilcullen, maketh suit for a son of his.”  (State Papers.)

            This Priory, with all its possessions, was granted to Edward Randolph, and, in reversion, to Sir Edward Butler.  These possessions were very numerous and extended into different counties.  An inquisition taken at Nass, 24, Nov., 37th of Elizabeth, finds 2 gardens in Naas and 7 acres of land near le Mawdelens, otherwise called Magdalens, to be portions of the possession of the late religious house if Connall, in the County Kildare.  Another, made at Kilmainham, 20th Dec., 1606, sets forth that the late queen Elizabeth on the 20th of May, in the 10th year of her reign, granted to Edmond Butler, the site of the late monastery or house of the B.V.Mary of Connall, and all messuages, lands, etc., in Connall, Ballymone, Clonyngs, Lowiston, Old-Connall, Washeston, Oldtown, Kildaree, Rosberie, Skavelston, Moreton, Richardston, Ballisax, Kilcullen, Grangeclare, Robertston, Ardkill, and Collenston, in the County Kildare; the churches, rectories, chapels, and tithes of Rosebery, Skarleston, and Moreton, Richardston, Cornelscourt, Ratheines, Kimaige, Connal, Ladiston, Louthston, Harberteston, Dowdingston, Carnalway, Kildingan, Lackagh, Bala, Dubeston in parish of Kilhelam, Fecullen, Old-Connall, Barreston, Morceston Biler, Kilrine, and Carbery in the said County, and all dwellings, lands, tithes, etc., belonging to the said rectories, churches, or  chapels; the rectory or church of Ballymosghill, otherwise Ballymorkyer, with its lands, tithes, etc., within the County Meath; the rectory of Lesbome and all its appurtenances in the Co. Tipperary; the manor and possessions of Timocho otherwise called Farrin-prior, and all its appurtenances in the town and lands if Timocho, Rathardone, Ballineclew, Rathenbarrowe, Garriglass in Esker, Parkefoss, Iniverne, Balligormell, Inneskerelin, Makin, Mone, Clonememrock, Ballyeg, Ballyrogh, Rathyan, Garryglass, Gallintlew, Ballynesery, Ballycorrock, Ballyclere, Isker and barony of Corkippagh in Queen’s County; the churches, rectories, chapels, and tithes of Clonenagh, Clonehein, Galin, Clonehenny, Rioughvane, Burgess, Timocho, otherwise Timochoo, Corclone, Moyhenny, Diserteimis, Disertgallin, Clonedough, Killtill, Killcolmanbaine, Burrex, Clonehad, Clonekin, Stradbally, Ballitullon, Aghtobrett, Boghlone in said county and all their appurtenances, all which are parcell of the possessions of the said late monastery of Connall, to be held by the aforesaid Edmd. Butler from the termination of the previous demise to Edward Randolph for a term of 61 years, etc.

            It would appear that this Priory was first leased to Edward, or Gerald Sutton; in Randolph ’s lease, in 1551, it is stated that the Priory was then in lease to Edward Sutton. (Morrin, I., p 255.)   Randolph, who succeeded to the tenancy of the priory, applied for the fee-farm of the lands, but his application was unsuccessful.  In 1565 Sir Edmund Butler got the lease in reversion for 61 years, referred to above.  He sold all his rights to Sir Nicholas Whyte, Master of the Rolls and one of Burghly’s creatures, and he, having surrendered them to the crown, got a re-grant of them, 22nd Elizab., to continue during his interest therein.  (Morrin, II., p. 28.)  A parcel of the possessions of this Priory was granted, 39th Elizab., to George Isham.  (Id. II., p. 411.)  In modern times it passed into the possession of Thomas Eyre Powell, in whose family it still continues.

            Another Inquisition, made at Maryborough, 7th Sept., 1607, records that “John Wesley, late prior of the priory of Connall in the Co. Kildare (was seized) of fee in right of said priory, of the rectory of Disertenes, and of all churches, tiethes etc., thereto belonging (which said rectory extendeth into two thirde partes of all the tiethes and alterages issueing out of the severall townes and lands of Disert, Gra (         ) Rahineduff, the old mille, Ballinegorbane, Rahineneuske, Loughticoge, Loughdruddnie, Munneygrave, and Coolekregh, and of the presentacion of a vicar to the church of Disertenes aforesaid; the rectorie of Kilteal (which said rectorie extendeth itselfe unto the two third partes of all the tiethes and altarages issueing out of the several towns and villages of Kilteale, Carricknaparke, Ballicarroll,)  and also of the presentacion of a vickar to the church of Kilteale; the rectorie of (          ) which said rectorie extendeth into the two third partes of (              )and of the presentacion of a vickar, etc., as above; the rectorie of Noughwall, alis Stradbally, together with all churches, etc., to the said rectorie belonginge, and of the presentacion of a vickar in and to the said church of (               ) to whiche vickare belongeth the other third parte of all the tiethes aforesaid ; and also of the rectory of Gallen alias Disert-gallen, together with all churches to the said rectory belonging (which said rectory extendeth into the two third partes of all the tiethes, etc., issuinge out of the severall townes of Ballanekilly, Kilcronan, Kilnashane, Ralishe, Clogheoge, Killrush, Ballahancarr, Castlemoat,  Grage, Athanacrosse, Gragnahone, Gragnasmuttan, Moyarde, Knockorocroughan, Doghill, Bouleybegg, Leaseoconnan, Bonlanabane and Ballanageragh, together with all other the hamlets to the same belonginge; and also of the presentacion of a vickar to the church of Gallen, alias Disert-gallen aforesaid, to which vickar belongeth the other third parte of all the tiethes aforesaid and ther belongeth to the rectory of Gallen aforesaid 5 great ackers of land, whereof the vickar hath a third party; the rectory of Aghatobret, together with all churches, chappells, etc., to the same belonging, and of the presentacion of a vickar to the  church of Aghatobret, to whome belongeth the third parte of all the tiethes of the said parsonage; the rectory of Clonkine together with  all churches, chappells, etc., to the same belonging, and also the presentacion of a vickare to the church of Clonkine, to whom belongeth the third parte of all the tiethes of the said  parsonage; the rectory of Ballycullane, together with all churches, chappells, etc., to the same belonging, and also the presentacion of a vickar to the church of Ballycullane, to whom belongeth the third part of the tiethes of the said parsonage; the rectory of Kilcolmanbane, together with all churches, chapels, etc., to the same belonging, and alseo the presentacion of a vickar to the church of Kilcolmanbane aforesaid, to whom belongeth the third parte of the tiethes of the said parsonage ; all of which severall recories above written, were appropriate to the prior and convent of the said Priory of Connall.”

On Wednesday next after the feast of St. Catherine V., 5TH of Edwd. VI., the prior of Connall was found seized of the following lands in Queen’s County:-


In Tymeguo, alias Tymecho, 150a.ar., 30 past., an. Val. Besides reprises, 26s.8d.
In Ballenecloe,                       35””      10                 “               “       “         “ 30s.
In Balleyntley,                        30 ””     20                  “              “       “         “ 30s.
In Raynebarron,                     55 ””     10                 “               “       “         “ 40s.
In Garyglasse & Eskreparke, 70 ””      20                “               “       “         “  40s.
In Fosse,                               20 ””      10                “               “       “        “   10s.
In Ballinefere                         60 ””      20                “                “      “        “    40s.
In Ballehawke,                      60 ””      10                “                   “     “        “ 40s.
In Biellaclarara,
alias Bealaclare,                    95 ““      40                “                 “     “        53s.4d.
In Kryvorgan (Cremorgan? 120 ““      20                “                         “             £5.
InYnnonie,                          100 “ “     20                “              “      “       £3 6s.8d.
In Ballygormello,                   40 ““      20                “              “      “               30s.
In Yniskir Clynemekeno, alias Iskir Cleynykede, 40 arable, 10 pasture,            30s.

            And the following rectories in this county were appropriated to the Prior: Clonenagh, annals value £44; Tymocho, £30; Moyanna, £13 6s.8d; Dysert Enos, £35; Galyn, £30; Clonhere, alias Clonehene, £28; Riwoghvane, alias Nowghevale, (Stradbally) with the chapel of Corclave, alias Corclose, (Coreclone?)£20; Cloneykn, £9; Kilcolmanbane, £20; Burges, alias Burres, £10;and Kiltele, £5. (Chief Rem.)

            Inquisition, 27th Queen Elizabeth, finds, that the prior had an annual rent of 10s. arising from the lands and tenements which were held in fee by Edmond Goulding, late of Harberteston, viz., a castle, 6 messuages, 6 gardens, 120 acres of arable land, 4 of meadow, 100 of pasture and moor, and a great warren in Herberteston annual value, £8; also 60 acres of arable land in Knocksellet, annual value, 60s.; 7 gardens in Dowdingeston, annual value,3s.6d.; and an annual chief rent of 2s. out of the ancient town of Killussie, all held from the crown.  (Chief Rem.) 
            Inquitition, 3rd July, 32 Elizab., finds, that 2 acres of land, of the great measure (i.e.,30 of small measure) in this county, called Ballydabegg, annual value, 4s., were parcel of the possessions of this priory.  (Id.) 
            Little Morrestown in this County (Kildare) containing 12 acres, of the yearly value of 2s. Irish money, parcel of possessions of this abbey, were found, 14th Nov., 19th Elizab., to have been concealed. (Id) 
            Grant from the King James I., May 18th , 1603, to John Simberbe, or St. Barbe, Gent., of the rectory of Cloydagh in the Dollough, extending into the towns, etc., of Cloughrenan, Ballinabrenagh, Ballytrolly, Garranore, Ballybrin, Stradnefusboke, Clogheristick, and Cloughna, in the County of Carlow;  being parcel of the possessions of the priory of the B.V.Mary of Connall, Kildare County ; rent, £4 6s.8d., Irish.  To hold for 21years (with other grants) in consideration of his good and faithful service.
            Archdall, writing in 1787, thus describes the state of the ruins: -“The priory is now so much gone to decay, that scarcely any description can be given of its ruins; one part, supposed to be the nave and choir, but between which no distinct separation can be made, measures about two hundred feet in length, by twenty five; two Gothic windows have alone resisted the ravages of time; there are some pillars with curious capitals, and a few remains of stalls.  On an adjoining hill is a small square house with pediment fronts, seemingly a turret belonging to this priory.”  Nearly the entire of the ruins thus described, were thrown down and the materials used in the erection of the military barracks at Newbridge, at the commencement of the century.  The castle of the Sarsfields, which stood at Roseberry, in this parish, was also demolished on the same occasion.  A Holy Well in an adjoining field bears the name of St. Augustine’s Well, which name it derives, probably not from the patrician Saint so called, but from the Great Doctor, and Bishop of Hippo, to whom the Fathers who occupied this monastery trace their origin.
             Father A. Geoghegan, who figured so conspicuously in the affairs of the Catholic Confederation, in the years 1651-2, received the titles of Prior of Connall and Prothonotary Apostolic, and, subsequently, Vicar-General of Meath.  He is referred to in the Aphorismical Discovery, Vol III., p.138, and in Mr. Gilbert’s Preface to the same.  He had made his studies, and subsequently taught with great credit at the Sorbonne, and late in 1650, was selected, on the recommendation of Rinuccini and Massari, by the Congregation de Propaganda Fide to represent them in Ireland, and furnished with instructions from Rome, to be imparted solely to the Irish bishops.  He was also directed to keep the members of the Congregation informed on the state of affairs in Ireland.  Clanricarde, we are told by the Aphorismical writer, publicly declared Geoghegan guilty of treason, and desired the Archbishop of Tuam to degrade him.  The proceedings were, however, abandoned as, on investigation, the Archbishop was convinced of his innocence.
            At the Religeen, the old church site and burial-ground in which the Protestant church now stands, is to be seen a recumbent effigy of a bishop with mitre, pastoral staff, etc.  It bears no inscription, nor does there appear to be any tradition as to the prelate whose tomb it adorned.  If a guess may be ventured, perhaps it marked the resting-place of Thomas, Bishop of Leighlin, 1252-75, who, having been, before his elevation, Prior of Connall, may, like his successor, Dr. Wellesley, have been buried with his brethren.  The effigy does not occupy its original position, which, probably, was in the church of the priory.  The side of the present tomb bears a floriated cross, and evidently was a distinct monument.

KILLOSSY, OR KILLASHEE.

            This place takes its name from St. Patrick’s nephew, Saint Auxilus, and was called Cill-Auxille, or Church of Auxilius; this was softened into Ceal-ussi, thence into Killossy, and finally into Killashee.  St Auxilius, son of Restitutus the Lombard, and Liemania, sister of St. Patrick, was with St. Patrick at Ebmoria, or Ivrea, in Lomardy, when Augustine and Benedict came there on their way to Rome with the intelligence of the death of Palladius in North Britain, and of his want of success in Ireland.  St. Patrick went to a chief Bishop, Amator, in the same locality, a man of great sanctity.  By him Patrick was consecrated   Bishop and Auxilius ordained priest.  (Book of Armagh, fol. 2, a, b.) The Trias Thaum. states that this consecration and ordination took place in presence of the Emperor Theodosius and Pope Celestine.  On the occasion of the conversion of Dulang, King of North Leinster, Auxilius was consecrated Bishop, and placed over a church near Naas, called from him Cill Ausaille, Ecclesia Auxilii in Magh Liffé.  Ussher (Vol. XI. ,p.384) has the following:   “Et ordinavit (Patricius) ibi unum de descipulis ejus nomine Auxilium, virum sanctum et pium, Episcopum;  et dimisit eum in Provincia Lageniensium.  Qui Auxilius, post multa miracula in sui civitate, quae dicitur Ceallusali, in planitie Lageniensium, sanctam finivit vitam suam.”  The Four Masters record that, “A.D.454, St. Usaille, Bishop of Cell-Usaille in Liffe, (died) on the 27th of August;” whilst the Annals of Ulster assign the year 460 as the date of his death, in which Dr O’Donovan holds they are correct.  The day on which the feast of this Saint was celebrated is also uncertain; the above passage places it at August 27th, with which the entry in the Martyrology of Donegal agrees: “27th August, Usaille, son of Ua Baird, Bishop of Cill-Usaille, in Leinster;” whilst the Mart. Tallaght has two entries- “March 19th, Auxilinus,” and “Sept. 16th, Auxilus,” both of which are supposed to refer to this Saint.  There are extant Acts of a Synod celebrated by SS. Patrick, Auxilius, and Isserninus, concerning which, see O’Curry, Lecture XVIII.;  Dr. Moran’s Dissertations on early Irish Church, p.120; Lanigan, Vol. I., p. 331.
            A.D. 827.  Maeldobharchon, Abbot of Cill-Uasaille, died. (Four Masters.)
            A.D. 870. Loingseach, son of Faeillen, Abbot of Cill-Ausaille, died (Id.)
            A.D. 1035. Cill-Usaille and Claenedh were plundered by the foreigners; but the son of Donnchadh, son of Domhnall, overtook them and made a bloody slaughter of them. (Id.)
            A Round Tower, arising from a square base, to which a chancel and transept were attached, still stands at Killossy.  It probably does not date back further than the 12th century.  A view of it is given in Grose, Vol.II., Pl. 27.  Ledwich, in the letter-press, remarks: “There is a castle and house at Kilussy; the latter the seat of Robert Graydon, Esq. The castle is a square battlemented tower, of great strength, and is fitted up and used as offices for servants.  Directly behind the house, on a rising ground, is Kilussy church; there are a number of caves contiguous, a strong proof of the antiquity of the fabric.”  The writer of a Paper in Transactions R.I.A., anno 1787, states that this castle was erected by Maurice FitzGerald, temp.  Henry II. On the west end of the church, under a rising ground, are a number of subterraneous caves, artificial, with pediment roofs, and communicating with each other.  One of them, near the church, had sides composed of stone and covered with flat stones, in which were found part of a quern and bones of fowls.  These caves were the granaries of the ancient inhabitants, in which they deposited their corn and provisions, and into which they retreated in times of danger.  Those at Kilossy seem to have belonged to the ancient monastery, and are within its enclosure.  A well, hard-by, is reputed holy, and bears the name of Saint Patrick’s well.
            Amongst the persons of note in the county of Kildare at the close of the sixteenth century, is Belling of Kilussy. (Carew Calendar.)

CARNALWAY.

            The present Protestant church is supposed to occupy the site of the former parochial church.  The writer is unable to say if there be any traces of the old edifice still remaining, or any noteworthy monument in the graveyard, as, though accompanied by the Parish Priest, he was discourteously refused admittance by the official in charge.

HARRISTOWN.

            This was formerly a Parliamentary Borough.  It was for many years the site of a strong castle, portions of which still remain.  It was the residence of the family of Eustace, who took from it the title of Baron.  It was captured by Hewson, in 1650.  The estate of Harristown descended to Mr. Chetwode, the maternal grandson of Sir Maurice Eustace, Speaker of the House of Commons in the reign of Charles I., and was sold by him to the 1st Duke of Leinster, and again sold, by the 2nd Duke, to John Latouche, the ancestor of the present proprietor.  Near the village is one of those taper, upright stones with conical heads, supposed to have been connected with Druidical rites.  Harristown was incorporated by Charter, 23rd Charles II. The Borough limits comprehended 100 acres, and its Corporation was supposed to consist of a sovereign, burgesses, and Freemen of Harristown, and John Latouche, Esq,” were awarded £15,000 compensation for disfranchisement, the whole of which – the Corporation being a myth – was received by Mr. Latouche.

MORRISTOWN-BILLER.

             The site of this parochial Church – marked as Ballymoristanvillar, in Dr. MacGeoghegan’s list – is occupied by a graveyard, still in use; but of the church there is hardly a trace.  Two ancient stone vessels remain, one of which was a baptismal font, the other being probably a sacrarium.


BALLYMANNY,

            “Capella de Ballemanny.”  There is absolutely nothing to be recorded of this parochial district; even the site of the church which must have formerly stood here, cannot be identified.

ATHGARVAN.

             This is noted in Dr.MacGeoghegan’s list, as the site of a parochial church (Vol.I., p.258).  At the present time only a few feet of one of the side walls remain, in a burial-ground still in use.  Father Shearman (Loca Patr. Gen. Tab. 10p.180) surmises that the name of this place may be derived from St. Garbhan (Ath- Garbhan, i.e., “the Ford of Garbhan”), nephew of St. Finnan of Clonard, and kinsman of St. Kevin of Glendalough.  This Saint, whose feast was assigned to May 14th, was identified also with Clonshambo, as already stated in Paper on Kilcock.  A small fort in ruins stands at Walshestown, regarding which nothing appears to be known.
            At Swordllestown, in this parish, there is a disused graveyard called “the Religeen.”


TEAMPULL CORROG,

            (i.e.  “the church of the round hillock”) in Lewistown, was the site of an ancient church, of small dimensions; of this there are now no traces, though up to recent times the foundations are said to have been in existence.


HERBERTSTOWN.

            The walls of a small church are found here, presenting no features calling for description.  A great tree has grown up within the walls, and has done much havoc to them.  There appears to be no history attached to the place.


SUCCESSION OF PASTORS.

            DR. LEVEROUS was Pastor of Connall prior to his consecration and was permitted to retain that Benefice,  (See Consistorial Act, Vol. I.p.24.)

            JAMES EUSTACE appears in the Registry of 1704, as residing at Old Connall, aged 50, ordained at Dublin by Dr. Forstall, in 1681, P.P. of Connall, Killeshey, Ladystown, and Morristown-Biller; his securities were Maurice Eustace of Lipstown, Gent., and Phelim Fox of Newtown, Gent.

             THADY STAUNTON, V.G. is the next P.P. on record; according to the inscription which marks his grave at Old Connall, he died on the 2nd of February, 1762, aged 69.

            CHARLES MCDERMOT succeeded; he was drowned at the ford at Athgarvan, when returning from attending a dying person, on the 22nd of February, 1777, in the 48th year of his age. 

            The name of the priest who discharged the duties of Pastor during the succeeding seven years has not been ascertained; probably it was one of the two priests, Daly and Shaughnessy, said to be interred at Old Connall, or it may have been that the Dominican Fathers, then resident at Newbridge, had the temporary charge of the parish.

            NICHOLAS FLOOD was appointed PP. in 1786, he lies interred at Great Connall, where the following inscription appears on his tomb;-“Sacred to the memory of Nicholas Flood, Parish Priest of Newbridge for 33 years.  He closed a  life of good works, respected and beloved by all his parishioners.  Died, the 28th of May, 1817, aged 68 years.  May he rest in peace.”

            THOMAS NOLAN succeeded, and governed the parish for 20 years, dying in 1837.  An effort was made by Mr. More O’Ferrall to obtain the appointment for his friend, the Rev. Eugene O’Reilly.  The following is the reply of the Bishop, Dr. Nolan, to Dr. Flanagan, V.G., the P.P. of BalynA, in reference to the subject:-“June 16th, 1837.  My dear Mr. Flanagan,…..I feel much indebted to Mr. O’Farrell for the delicacy which prevented him from making an application to me which would necessarily be the occasion to me of no small embarrassment.  It is the source of sincere pleasure to me to find the merits of Mr. O’Reilly so highly and so justly appreciated by such a man as Mr. O’Ferrall.  There is certainly no lay gentleman of my acquaintance whose opinions on every subject I so much respect, or to whose suggestion I would so willingly attend as Mr. O’Ferrall, and were it compatible with the principles by which I hope to be ever directed in the discharge of my official duties (particularly a duty of the important nature of the one referred to) to allow myself to be actuated by personal influence, there would be no personal motive more powerful with me than his recommendation.  You know, however, that in making an appointment to a Parish, I must set aside all such motives, and that I never can pay a compliment to mortal in such a case.  I have to take into consideration the claims, merits, and services of others besides Mr. O’Reilly, and to attend to the general interests of Religion and the Diocese in the arrangement soon to be made.  There was no necessity of reminding me of Mr. O’Reilly’s merits, I could not overlook them, and if he shall be preferred to others on this occasion, it will be on account of the pre-eminence of his own deserts, or an account of the general good.  I do not intend to make any appointment for Newbridge until after the Retreat, when I shall have more leisure to make the necessary inquiries and to consider what may be most just to the aspirants, and most conducive to the interests of the Parish and to the government of the diocese…..I remain, my dear Sir, very truly yours,
                                                                                                                E. Nolan.

            The charge of the Parish of Newbridge was assigned, not to Father O’Reilly, but to
REV. TIMOTHY KAVANAGH, who was translated  thither from St. Mullin’s, and in less than four months from the date of the foregoing edifying letter, the good Bishop had gone to the reward of the just and faithful Pastor.  Father Kavanagh died 25th September, 1872.  Owing to delicacy and the infirmities incident to old age, he resigned the charge of the parish two years previously, when, in compliance with his earnest wish, his former curate, the

            REV. MARTIN NOWLAN was appointed, and still, happily, presides over the parish.  Father Kavanagh was interred in the church of St. Conlieth, which was built during his incumbency, and the following epitaph appears on an elegant mural tablet erected to his memory: -“ Beneath are deposited the mortal remains of Rev. Timothy Kavanagh.  Died, 25th Sept., 1872.  For thirty-five years P.P. of Newbridge, where his memory is endeared to his flock, to whose welfare he was ever devoted. -  May he rest in peace.”  

(1) Other and higher motives than the above could have been justly urged against the suppression of the Religious Houses.  These are well set forth by D’Alton in his Memoirs of the Archbishops of Dublin, p. 185, et seq.

{compiled and edited by Mario Corrigan; edited by Niamh McCabe; typed by Maria and Breid]

A history and description of Newbridge Roman Catholic Parish by Rev. Comerford.

LEIXLIP CHRONOLOGY 1650 - 1699 AD

Leixlip Chronology, 1650 – 1699 

Compiled by John Colgan 

c1650:  Owen Roe O’Neill encamped for a night after defeating a Parliamentary [Cromwellian] force and capturing Castleknock at or near Brazil or Brazeel House, which is on the back road from Dublin Airport towards Swords and near Killeigh Church ruin. [Hone, Craig & Fewer, The New Neighbourhood of Dublin, Dublin, 2002, p60.]

1650:  Protestant Archbishop Launcelot Buckeley, [aka Bulkeley, Bulkelly] who carried out the review of all the churches in the Dublin diocese in 1630 at the behest of Charles I, with the objective of enforcing the ban on Roman Catholic masses etc., died on 7/9/1650 aged 82 years. He was consecrated on 3/10/1619. His report is in The Irish Ecclesiastical Record, Vol 5, Jan 1869, p145-166. [GT Stokes, (ed), ‘Calendar of the Liber Niger Alani’, JSRAI, Vol 27, 1897, p166]  Bulkeley’s son, Archdeacon Bulkeley, may have had a role to play in establishing a poor house at Leixlip; was Buckley’s lane, named after him? Edward Bulkelly was the occupier c1793.

1653:  Power of attorney was granted by Nicholas Ingham, of Farnham, in Essex, - and John Downes did likewise - authorising Richard Thrall of London, to join in a lot for him with any person(s) for £40 lent on the purchase of Irish land; or to take such lot for himself alone, with power to assign the right to draw such lot.  Downes was a witness to this, as well as completing a replica himself.  It was also witnessed by Wm Tias. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1647-1660, London, 1903, 18/6/1653, p393.] Both Downes and Ingham were common to Leixlip~50 years later.

1653:  On 20/8/1653, Nicholas Ingham’s name was drawn in a lottery for Leinster adventure lands by Wm Thale. Also drawn in the same lottery on that day was Matthew Randall, who may have been, or connected to the paper maker of Newbridge, Parsonstown. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1647-1660, London, 1903, 20/8/1653, p441.]

1653:  On 30/8/1653, Nicholas Ingham gave authority to Richard Thrall and Col William Webb to draw (by lot) for him a county, having drawn Leinster previously. Eastmeath [Meath] was drawn. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1647-1660, London, 1903, 30/8/1653, p448.]

1653:  On 1/9/1653, Nicholas Ingham, Matthew Randall and Alexander Pim were drawn in the 2nd lots in the counties of Leinster, drawing Eastmeath. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1647-1660, London, 1903, 1/9/1653, p461.] On 1/10/1653 Mathew Randall drew land for another; he was described as a citizen and cloth worker of London [opus cit, p467].

1653:  Wm Needham [Lucan/Leixlip name, 18th cent?], son and heir of Col John Needham, late of Stanton, Notts (deceased), drew Leinster for lands in Ireland on 3/9/1653. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1647-1660, London, 1903, 3/9/1653, p464]. He later drew his lands in the barony of Kilkenny west, co Westmeath, on 2/3/1654 [opus cit, p519.]

1653:  Mary Read, widow, and adventurer in Ireland, drew lands in Leinster, and later at Stradbally, Queen’s County [Laois]. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1647-1660, London, 1903, 10/10/1653, p470; also p474 & 554.]

1653:  Samuel Cooper, Irish adventurer, was drawn in a lottery for counties in Ulster and Leinster, 20/10/1653. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1647-1660, London, 1903, 1653, p473.]

1653:  John Glascock, Irish adventurer with his wife, Margaret King, authorised lots to be drawn for her. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1647-1660, London, 1903, 1653, p486.]  Glascock died; King married Wm Whittaker and drew lands in Queen’s county. The Glascock family came from Essex to Ireland, although evidently this Glascock did not.

1653:  George Hudson and Thomas Hudson, adventurers in Ireland, are mentioned. ‘Hudson’s Holding’ featured in Newtown area of Leixlip in Tom Conolly’s map of his properties in the mid 18th century. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1647-1660, London, 1903, 1653, p486, 513 & 554.]

c1653:  John Marriott drew lands in the barony of Garriscastle, King’s County, under the scheme for adventurers in Ireland. A James Marriott owned, or was connected with, Marshfield, Leixlip, up to 1711. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, Adventurers in Ireland, 1642-1659, London, 1903, c1653, p345.]

1653:  Thomas Marriott, Meryott or Meriott subscribed £200 for Irish affairs in 1642 and paid £100 thereof. He was unable to complete and assigned it to another (a Londoner). [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, Adventurers in Ireland, 1642-1659, London, 1903, 2/12/1653, p287-8]. A John Marriott, adventurer, drew land in King’s County [co Laois] in the barony of Garrycastle in the same year [opus cit, p415]. Around 1711 a Marriott may have had Marshfield at Leixlip; see Ken Chaloner Smith’s title deeds.

1654:  The Council of State ordered that the Commissioners for managing the affairs of Ireland shall have power to let the lands in Ireland in the four counties which are reserved to the Commonwealth (Dublin, Cork, Kildare & Carlow) from year to year and not any longer. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1647-1660, London, 1903, 7/4/1654, p796.]

1654:  The Civil Survey of Co. Kildare made by James Peisley and Henry Makepeace, dated 21/9/1654, cites the existence of two castles in Leixlip - one the Black Castle on the lands [40 acres, arable] of the Earl of Kildare [George FitzGerald, Protestant] in Leixlip, and the other, a ruined castle [Leixlip Castle] with other stone 'houses of office', and a garden and orchard, on the lands [360 acres, of which 310 arable, 6 meadow and 32 pasture] of Sir Nycholas Whyte [White]. The latter also had a dove house [the Boat House?] and one Salmon Leape near unto the castle; he also had 20 acres of wood fit for timber. There was also one corn mill and one cloth mill on the lands [54 acres] of Lady Allen of St Wollston's [sic] - most likely at Newbridge. [JKAS, Vol III, 1899-1902, p490/1, quoted by W. FitzGerald.] In an earlier edition of the same journal and volume (p.341), FitzGerald quotes a Leixlip informant stating that the Black Castle was occupied by the military in 1798, "who, as usual, erected a gallows near it; and that now it is a residence so modernised as to be indistinguishable except to one well acquainted with the locality".] Robert C Simington, Irish Manuscripts Commission, edited a version of this survey (Vol VIII). Simon Luttrell of Luttrellstown, Irish Papist, also had 45 acres in Leixlip and Patrick Long & Thos Germaine, both of Kilcloone, Irish Papist [sic] had 23 acres. There was also a bridge over the Rye (apparently on the Main St). Gerald White of Dublin owned the great tithes of Leixlip, and Lady White had the Castle tithes of Leixlip in 1640, and the clerke of the parish of Leixlip had the small tithes, worth £4 pa in 1640.
The parish of Confey included Confey and Newtown. James Eustace of Confey had Confey and Newtown, a total of 396 acres, of which 360 were arable and 36 pasture, worth £150 pa “as they were let in 1640.”  “ There is one castle upon the aforesaid lands of Confey which in the year 1640 was valued to be worth £200 but being now ruined is valued at one hundred pounds. There is one mill upon the aforesaid lands of Confey which in the year 1640 was valued to be worth £6 per annum. There is also one quarry of stone upon the aforesaid lands of Confey. There is upon the lands of Confey aforesaid twenty acres of timber wood ..”  The impropriation of the parish of Confey belonged in 1640 to Fagon [Fagan] of Feltrim and was set at £10 rent pa. The small tithes of the parish of Confey were possessed in the year 1640 by Mr Hunggerford, Clerke, and then let for 20 shillings pa.
1654:  Richard Simonds is one of many who contributed one half penny in the pound for rebels’ lands in Ireland towards defraying the public charge of the adventurers in accordance with an agreement with them. He paid a total of 4s 2d [corresponding to 100 acres] on 24/10/1654. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, Adventurers in Ireland, 1642-1659, London, 1903, 1654, p356.] Note that in 1642, Henry Day, a mercer, of London, paid £100 for lands in Ireland and in July that year paid another £100 jointly with Thomas Briscoe, upholder, and Richard Symonds [Simonds], barber-surgeon, all of London. [opus cit, p167-8, 30/4/1642] On 29/11/1652, Day and Briscoe assigned all their interests to Symonds.

1654:  John Glascock, and his wife, Margaret King, were in a draw for Irish properties. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1647-1660, London, 1903, 1654, p554.]

1655:  Reference to a petition of Sir Nicholas White and his son Nicholas, showing that they have fallen into debt owing to the charges made upon their estate in consequence of the late disturbances. In order to pay their debts they desire to sell about 120 acres of land, called St Katherine’s, Co Dublin. The authorities decided that it should be considered part of their land under the Act of Qualifications. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1647-1660, London, 1903, 16/5/1655, p812.] This letter was signed by the Lord President on 22/5/1655.

1655:  Further Orders of the Council of State included instructions on 18/5/1655 for letting lands in Ireland, that they should not be for more than seven years and all leases given by the Commissioners of the Commonwealth which fell by lot should be transferred to adventurers on conditions that they improve them. Where the [existing] lessees haven’t planted and improved, the sheriff may give them to the adventurers. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1647-1660, London, 1903, 18/5/1655, p813.]

1656:  On 9/9/1656 Captain Thomas Harley petitioned the Lord Deputy of Ireland, claiming that he had served in Ireland since the beginning of the rebellion, losing blood, limbs and property. He worked in Munster as chief engineer and captain of a foot company near Cork. He was owed £684 arrears. He was later transferred to the garrison of Inishowen, where he got nothing and is “left out of the list of officers and soldiers who have what was due to them up to 1649”. He wanted parity with others. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1647-1660, London, 1903, 9/9/1656, p611.]

1657:  An inquisition into the state of churches and parishes in Co Kildare, together with recommendations for their future and that of associated schools is contained in a 20thc typed versions in the Canon Leslie collection, Ms 4834, NLI, and also as Ms 27 at the Representative Church Body Library, Dublin.

1658:  A copy of a petition to the Lord Deputy and Council of Ireland from an army officer claims that some of the lands set out to the adventurers and soldiers are charged with encumbrances which ought to be reprised out of co Kildare [lands] and the Lord Deputy was required to appoint persons to value such encumbrances and the reprisals facilitated. A note attached refers to an ordinance of the Lord Deputy and Council of 23/6/1654 intent on “further encouragement of adventurers in land in Ireland and of the soldiers and other planters there”, provides that every rent, service charge, etc issuing and payable out of any lands etc granted or intended for soldiers or adventurers to any person who has duly claimed the same shall have such charge allowed. The soldiers etc who have to make good such charges out of the rent allotted to them were to be compensated by lands given them in co Kildare. Persons to compute the amount of the charges have not been appointed and co Kildare has not been set out. It is desirable that this matter be proceeded with asap. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1647-1660, London, 1903, 3/8/1658, p672.]

1658-9:  A petition was made by the Committee action on behalf of the Adventurers for Land in Ireland, requesting “the lands whereof the fee is in the State in..  Kildare, Dublin.. may be reserved [for them] till they are satisfied”. They wanted it soon.  Originally, the lands to be given the adventurers were to be in ten half counties, and none in the English Pale area. However, as there was an insufficiency of lands for those who had paid for it as ‘adventurers’ or who had earned it though military service, it was agreed to allow some of the adventurers have lands in Kildare. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, Adventurers in Ireland, 1642-1659, London, 1903, 1656-9, p393.]

1659:  Edmund Ludlow, writing from Duncannon Fort [Sir Nicholas White’s favourite home in Waterford] on 8/1/1659 to an MP at Westminster, observed that “All the commissioned officers which were made by authority of Parliament [ie by Cromwell’s government] except Col. Markham and Major Warren have their employments disposed to others.. and all your old staunch commonwealth men are no sooner taken, or by any ways trepanned into their hands [holes made in them], but they are imprisoned..”  [Cited by T U Sadleir in JKAS, Vol 9, 1918-21, p 86, from the original Irish State Papers in the PRO, London.] Sadleir writes [opus cit, p88] that Col Henry Markam was born in 1602, 3rd son of Sir Anthony Markham of Oxfordshire. He served at various places in England before coming to Ireland. He died without issue a few years after the Restoration, at which time he was appointed Lieut Col of the 6th Foot.

c1659:  Laurence Saunders drew land in Rathcondrath, co Westmeath in the scheme for adventurers in Ireland.[RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, Adventurers in Ireland, 1642-1659, London, 1903, c1659, p355.] John Saunders, of Dartmouth, subscribed for lands in Ireland in 1642 and paid arrears. He died at sea in December 1646, [opus cit, p257-9]. Saunders was the name of Leixlip landlords, whose Irish family home was at Baltinglass.

c1659:  William Sym(e)s drew lands in the lottery for Irish adventurers in the barony of Pubblebrien, co Limerick. The same Symes family that exists for several centuries in north Kildare?  [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, Adventurers in Ireland, 1642-1659, London, 1903, 1659, p351.]

c1659:  Wm Petty’s census of this year (augmented with data from 1660-1) had at Maynooth, 259 persons, of whom 42 were English and 247 Irish (including Anglo-Normans), with Francis Nest, John Nelson, Francis Greene, and John Samon, gents, as ‘tituladoes’.  Thos Newcomen, gent, was at Cartowne [Carton], total 43 persons, 4 English; Rauensdale [Ravensdale] had 12 persons, of whom 2 English and 10 Irish; Kellistowne [Kellystown] had Richard Barry, Gent., with 41 persons, all Irish; Blacks towne [Blakestown] had 12 persons, of whom 4 English and 8 Irish; Shian [Sion] had 8 persons, all Irish; Donoghs towne [Donaghmore?] 22 persons, of whom English, 2 and 20 Irish;  Confey, Henry Markham Esq and John Darsy, gent., 45 persons, of whom 11 English, 34 Irish; Collins towne [Collinstown] 10 Irish; Leixleipp [Leixlip], Nicholas White Esq., James Eustace & Charles Hooker, gents., 100 persons, of whom 11 English and 89 Irish;  Parsons towne, 12 persons, all Irish; Kilmacreedocke [Kilmacredock] 39 persons, all Irish; St Wolstan’s, Sir Bryan O’Neile, Knight; and Bryan O’Neile, Esq., 18 persons, all Irish; Donnoghcomper [Donaghcumper], 5 persons, all Irish; Stackunny [Stacumny], Edward Jones, gent, 16 persons, all Irish. St Katherins [St Catherine’s], 7 persons, of whom 5 English and 2 Irish; (no mention of Cooldrinagh). [Seamus Pender (ed), A Census of Ireland circa 1659, Dublin, 1939, p400-2.]

1660:  W Glascock is “one of the Masters of Chancery” in witness to a sworn deposition of this date, 13/7/1660. Two other references [opus cit, p5 and 227] to Glascock are not contained in the text on those pages. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, 13/7/1660, p11.]

1660:  Henry Earl of Clanbrassil petitioned Charles II over land sequestered by Henry Cromwell and another matter: petitioner’s grandfather, the late James Viscount Claneboy, purchased the territory of Dufferin, co Down, from Nicholas White of Karnistown [Kearneystown], co Louth, various arrangements were made as a result of which Nicholas White received £100 yearly out of the said territory. This rent is forfeited to the King on account of the rebellion of Christopher White, son and heir of Nicholas. Petitioner prayed that his lands may be discharged of a rent of £40 forfeited to the King etc. The marquis of Ormond corroborates the above facts and suggests that the petition should be granted. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, 21/7/1660, p12.]

1660:  Albemarle wrote from Cock Pitt, on 3/8/1660, as follows: “These are to certify all whome these may concern that Col Henry Markham was very active in the late transactions for the Restoration of his Majesty and suffered imprisonment by the Committee of safety for his appearing for the forces under my command and delivering my letter to the Lord mayor of the city of London. And seeing he was colonel of Horse when his Majesty came in, is capable of receiving the benefit of all his Majesties gracious concessions and grant made to the Army under my command he [is] well deserving same as being one of my officers”. [Cited by T U Sadleir in JKAS, Vol 9, 1918-21, p 88, from the original Irish State Papers in the PRO, London.]

1660:  Capt [John] Campbell resigned his commission of a troop of horse in Ireland, 3/9/1660. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, 3/9/1660, p34.]

1660:  Lord Chancellor Eustace, in a report on the petition for restoration of Sir Wm Dongan, noted that the rebels “burnt down his house at Castletown, in co Kildare, which made him remove to Dublin with his family”. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, 16/10/1660, p50.]

1660:  On 24/10/1660, Nicholas Whyte [White of Leixlip] petitioned the King, showing that his father, by a deed dated 20/11/1620, conveyed all his lands, etc in Ireland to feoffees in trust to the use of himself for his life [he was a minor at the time], the remainder of part thereof to Ursula his wife, daughter of Garret Lord Moore, for her jointure [ie remainder of her life], and of the rest to the petitioner, being his son and heir apparent, in the way which by this deed appears. Petitioner’s father lived in the English quarters from the time of the rebellion in Ireland until his death. Petitioner himself took the same course and on all occasions adventured his life against the rebels. Even if petitioner’s father had been guilty of crime - which he was not - the petitioner’s remainder, being created before the rebellion, is saved by the provision of 17 Car I [called in the Statute Book, 16Car I, cXXXIII]. He prayed that his affairs may be referred to the Commissioners now waiting on His majesty for the affairs of Ireland or to other fit persons for study and report.  An Order dated 24/10/1660 was made, referring the petition to the Marquis of Ormond and the Lord Chancellor [Eustace] of Ireland.  Ormond and Eustace reported, testifying as to the loyalty of the petitioner and his father. There is nothing against petitioner “except that he is a recusant” which by no law can extend to the forfeiting of his estate. His petition should be granted. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, 24/10/1660, p62-63.]

1660:  A similar petition of the King made by Thomas Aylmer is also documented, p62, opus cit. Thomas’s estate was forfeited by reason of his recusancy, his mother [?] Mabel, and distressed daughters [of George], had been granted lands in Connaught. Thomas claimed he took no part in the rebellion and sought repossession of his lands. Chancellor Eustace recommended that his petition be granted.

1660:  <14/11/1660, Capt John Campbell, of Lord Killownie’s Regiment of Horse, petitioned the Lords Commissioners for the Government in Ireland, stating that five years ago he had certain lands set out to him in co Meath and co Kilkenny for his arrears as due for his service against the rebels in Ireland. He has quietly enjoyed them since. He now complains of harassment by Thomas Luttrell of Luttrellstown. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, <14/11/1660,
p82.]

1660:  A petition of Col. Henry Markham to King Charles II asserted that he had been in possession of the town and lands of Confy [Confey] in the co Kildare some years, for which he paid £600 for 409 acres to Alderman Richard Tighe. Tighe held them for a debt due to him and others from the Parliament [of Ireland?] about 1642 or 1643.  Tighe’s namesake and grandson was a member of the select vestry in the parish of St Paul, Smithfield, Dublin. [Brendan Twomey, Smithfield and the parish of St Paul, Dublin, 1698-1750, Dublin, 2005.] The former proprietor was indicted in Ireland and outlawed as a rebel in the first year of the rebellion and has got land in Connaught. He prayed for confirmation of his lands. The Duke of Albermarle certified the petitioners’ loyalty and help in the Restoration. Petitioner took a letter from the Duke to the Lord Mayor of London. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, 10/11/1660, p78.] See Petty’s Survey of Confey for supportive information.

On the same date the King referred this petition to the Chancellor of Ireland, [Eustace], the Earl of Orrery and Lord Kingston, to examine the allegations of the petitioner, his certificate and to make recommendations to the King. Signed by Edward Nicholas. [Cited by T U Sadleir in JKAS, Vol 9, 1918-21, p 87, from the original Irish State Papers in the PRO, London.]

1660:  On 16/11/1660 the Lord Chancellor Eustace and others wrote to the King in support of Henry Markham. The lands..  were set out to Alderman Richard Tighe and others for a large debt due by the State for provisions for the army, and sold by them to Markham.  If the King thinks these lands should be restored to the former proprietors, then Markham should have other forfeited lands of equal value. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, 16/11/1660, p80.]

1660:  On 17/11/1660 James Eustace [Confey] petitioned the King, asserting that he was always faithful to the royal cause and during the rebellion contributed to the support of the royal forces. Nevertheless his lands have been siezed and himself exposed to want. He prays for a reference to persons of honour and a remedy. On the same date the Lord Chancellor Eustace [a relative, who lived near Chapelizod] reported that having seen a report signed by Moore, Howth, John Stevens and Da Truswell testifying to the petitioner’s loyalty. They recommend that he be restored to such of his lands as are not with adventurers or soldiers. Recommended that he be restored to the town and lands of Confye [co Kildare]. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, 17/11/1660, p86.]

1660:  Charles II referred a petition made by Nicholas White, son of Sir Nicholas White, to the High Court of Chancery in Ireland to settle. The petitioner and his brother Arthur in 1639 became bound in £300 to Sir Richard Osberston, late AG of Ireland. The AG died and left Sir Gerald Lowther, a judge, his executor. In the usurper’s [Cromwell’s] ‘Court for the administration of justice’ Lowther, as party and judge, sued and decreed that petitioner should pay 5% on the loan for the time of the war and 6% till it was paid off.  He put the petitioner in prison for 14 months and compelled him to agree to perform the decree, though he knew that, owing to the rebellion, petitioner and his brother had no profit from their estate. Lowther also decreed £300 against petitioner’s father, Sir Nicholas White, for supposed damage done by petitioner’s father’s servants.  In this decree petitioner is also interested. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, 22/11/1660, p25.]

1660:  In Nov 1660, a docquet of grant of the King’s first fruits and tenths in Ireland was made to Richard Cooper, gent, during his life. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, 11/1660, p111.]

1660:  Chris Eustace of Newland, petitions Charles II in Nov 1660, asserting that he has always been true to the Royal cause, etc. yet his lands in co Kildare have been taken from him and he and his children are reduced to starvation. He prays for restoration. His petition was referred to Lord Chancellor Eustace, who testifies to his loyalty. The King ordered restoration. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, 11/1660, p107.]

1661:  On 12/1/1661 a warrant issued from Whitehall ordering a grant of the town and lands of Newland, co Kildare, by letters patents, and also such lands as his father was dispossessed of by the late power and are not in the possession of any adventurer or soldier - to John, son and heir of Christopher Eustace of Newland, co Kildare. Approved 1/3/1661. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, 12/1/1661, p181.] 

1661:  Charles II wrote to the Lords justices of Ireland on 21/1/1661 from Whitehall requesting a General Pardon for, inter alia, Lieut John Ottaway [Otway] and Cornet Edward Cooper, with ‘letters patents’ etc. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, 21/1/1661, p188.]

1661:  Charles II wrote to the Lords Justices on 27/2/1661 regarding reprisals due to members of the Privy Council. The Council and their clerk, Sir Paul Davies [Davys]… are too busy to attend to their particular affairs. Each is to get a forfeited house in Dublin in payment for their services given before 5/6/1649. Any reprisals due to them in compensation for lands taken from them to restore others are to come from two baronies in north co Dublin. Their “encumbrances shall be satisfied in the baronies of Salt and Clane..”, ie any rents or taxes from lands they acquire as replacements [=reprisals] are to be compensated by lands from the last two baronies which are worth the same amount. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, 27/2/1661, p234-5.] Davys’ family were tenants of St Catherine’s.

1661:  Charles II wrote to the Lords Justices re reprisals due to the Commissioners for Settlement of Ireland in like manner as for members of the Privy Council, providing for lands for them out of forfeited and unrestorable estates in baronies of Salt and Clane. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, 27/2/1661, p224.]

1661:  On 28/3/1661 the King wrote from Whitehall to Captain Robert Lawson of Londonderry declaring that all debts due by the Crown to him for money expended at the beginning of the rebellion in Ireland for arms and ammunition for the defence of Ulster shall be paid by assigning to him lands now or lately in the hands of the assigns of Michael Casteele in co Kildare, after the reprisals of Col. Markham and Mr Andrews shall have been satisfied thereon. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, 28/3/1661, p280.]

1661:  Charles II directed a general pardon for Sir Wm Petty [map maker/surveyor], Walter Cooper (of Cork), Cornet John Cooper (Meelick, co Clare), Lieut Col Wm Walker, inter alia, dated 25/4/1661. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, 25/4/1661, p316-319.]

1661:  Col Henry Markham was granted ‘letters patents’ [among many others] of a free pardon by the King, writing on 25/4/1661 from Whitehall, even though his case may be covered by His Declaration of 30/11/1660. “They shall have the lands which they or their predecessors in title, etc. had on 22/10/1641, at the rents which were then reserved as well as the lands set out to any of them for the arrears of pay, or such lands as they have bought of any person secured by our Declaration. This grant of lands shall not defeat restorations made by the Declaration; but persons mentioned herein shall receive reprisals if the Declaration makes it impossible to given them back their lands as herein prescribed, etc. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, 25/4/1661, p318-9.]

1661:  On 20/4/1661 a ‘Loyal address’ was made to the King, Charles II. Among the signatories were [Capt] John Campbell and Samuel Molyneux. The signatories acknowledged with thanks the restoration of their estates in Ireland. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar
of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, 20/4/1661, p314.]

1661:On 20/7/1661 the King directed the Lords justices in Ireland to make Archibald Campbell a clerk of the Doquets for life. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, 20/7/1661, p382.]

1661:  Sir Paul Davys [his son occupied St Catherine’s Pk] suggest to the Secretary [of State?] Nicholas how he, Davys, should be provided for in land. He sought part of the estate of Robert Preston (Irish Papist, of Ballmadun) who with his eldest son (who saw active service with Owen Roe O’Neile) was attainted. Davy’s nephew, Lock, was to provide detains of the lands, which were in the barony of Balrothery, co Dublin.. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, 7/8/1661, p391.]

1661:  Charles II directed that all the lands of St Wolstan’s, with the several castles, lands etc be granted to the Earl of Mountalexander, which lands were with Sir Thomas Allen in his lifetime and which he conveyed in trust for the use of himself and his lady or the longer lived of them, and then made a lease of 61 years of the premises to these trustees for the executors, admins and assigns of the said lady, to commence from the day of his death at 40s per annum. She is still living and the reversion of the premises descended to Thomas Allen, heir to Sir Thomas, and to John, heir to Thomas. As one or both of them were attainted of high treason, their lands came into the King’s hands, which he now granted to Mountalexander. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, 19/10/1661, p444.]

1661:  In a record dated 9/11/1661: “Mr Thomas Preston, who commanded the confederate rebels in Ireland”… [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, 9/11/1661, p466.]

1661:  Gaelic language usage indicated in a State document dated ~5/11/1661 in which it is reported that “Col. Campbell, (brother to Captain [John]), speaking the Highland Irish with divers of them [soldiers attacked in co Louth]”… [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, ~5/11/1661, p457.]

1661:  James Allen [sic] Esq of St Wolstones [Wolstan’s] petitioned King Charles II asserting that he is rightly intrusted [sic] in and restorable to all the estate of his grandfather, John Allen, of St Wolston’s, co Kildare, other than what has been secured by the late Sir Thos Allen for the jointure of his relict [ie, part of his estate settled on his widow for her life] and other particular uses, whereof he is rightly intrusted also. Petitioner was always loyal, adhered to the peaces of 1646 and 1648, and served under the Duke of Ormond in the siege of Dublin. He entered this claim in the court of Claims in Dublin, but before it could be heard the Earl of Mount Alexander secured a grant of the estate by the pretence of an outlawry had against Thos and John Allen. If this outlawry could bar petitioner’s right, it is rendered immaterial by the concessions contained in the peace of 1648; but the truth is that, long before the rebellion in Ireland, about 1642, all the said estate was conveyed to feoffees in trust, among other uses to the use of Sir Thos Allen and the heir male of his body with other remainders over, and, among other remainders, to Nicholas Allen, petitioner’s father, and the heirs male of his body.  Nicholas died long before the war, leaving petitioner of tender age. As the other remainders have determined, petitioner claims the estate.  He prayed that the grant may be stopped and evacuated and that he be restored. An Order, dated 20/11/1661, referred the petition to the Commissioners for claims. If the petitioner can prove to them that he and those whom he claims be innocent, he shall be restored. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, c20/11/1661, p470.]

1662:  Walter Cooper was cited as Mayor of Cork in an address of 7/1/1662. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, 7/1/1662, p496.]

1662:  Wm Cooper is an alderman or councillor of the city of Waterford in a document dated 7/1/1662. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, 7/1/1662, p495.]

1662:  Charles II write to the Lords Justices on behalf of Thos Pigott and Mathew Lock, noting that Pigott, who was Master of the Wards of Ireland, and Lock informed him that Edward Carey, deceased, had purchased lands in co Westmeath from adventurers and that he had then assigned them to Thos Cooper and Wm Rowe for £5000. Cromwell had provided the £5k and the land was purchased in trust for the wife and children of Archibald Hamilton, of Scotland, being intended as a reward for Hamilton’s treasons, Hamilton having been executed in Scotland as a spy for Cromwell. The King directed that the lands/premises be given to Pigott & Lock as the lands were vested in him, the King, by the attainder of the rebels who possessed them and have not be duly or fully set out to any adventurer. Dated 28/9/1661, but entered 21/5/1662. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, 21/5/1662, p549.] Note Pigott and Hamilton connections with Leixlip area.

1662:  Mount Sion or Syon is a name of a residence and townland north of Kellystown, Leixlip. Sion is, among other things, defined as a non-conformist chapel [Concise Oxford Dictionary, Oxford, 1982]. There is a note on the burial of Cornet Day, who died lately in the Gatehouse, and was buried on 23/5/1662 at 6am. “All that love Syon, i.e, those that are against monarchs and magestracy [sic], are requested to accompany his corpse from Glover’s hall to Beech lane at the hour aforesaid. There was a Cornet Day’s burial above 2,000 people of all sorts, some Presbyterians, very many Quakers, and ministers” etc. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, 23/5/1662, p549.]

1662:  Charles II wrote to the Lord Lieutenant noting that his Bill for the settlement of Ireland provided a clause for the granting of St Wolstan’s etc, now with Lady Allen and the remainder to Robert, John, William and James Allen, to the Earl of Mount Alexander, of, on enquiry, they shall be found to be forfeited. Alexander is to get them at the Leinster adventurers’ rate of rent for ever (incl. his heirs). As soon as the Act passes the Lord Lieutenant is to make the grant of the premises without any provision for revocation. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, 7/7/1662, p572.]

1662:  Charles II directed the Lord Deputy to appoint Sir Richard Ransford or Rainsford and five others as Commissioners for executing the Act for the Settlement of Ireland, 18/7/1662. Work included assessing fraudulent decrees for forfeited lands in Connaught and Clare “during the late usurpation” [by Oliver Cromwell]. Rainsford family lived in Leixlip. Guinness bought his James’ St brewery from a Rainsford. There is a Cclr Rainsford Hendy on KCC for FG party. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, 18/7/1662, p577.]

1662:  Lord Chancellor Eustace wrote to Secretary Bennet about the provision of the Act of Settlement to restore St Wolston’s estate of £500 to Allen, but the Earl of Mt Alexander has procured a grant of the estate from the King, and the grant has got as far as the Great Seal of Ireland. The Chancellor stopped it there pending the settlement of Allen’s claim. Allen is believed and known to be an innocent person, and his estate should not be given away before his trial takes place. If he should prove innocent, the King would regret his decision. If guilty, the grant to Alexander can easily be confirmed. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, 8/11/1662, p613.]

1662:  Lord Berkeley to Secretary Bennet: It turns out that the estate of St Wolstan’s is not small and the owner, Allen, has not been disloyal, nor his predecessors either. The Lord Chancellor has stopped the grant to the Earl of Mt Alexander. It should be withdrawn. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, 8/11/1662, p614.]

1662:  Ambrose and Thos Cooper, Irish adventurers, secured lots in the barony of Dunluce in Antrim and Coleraine for their services as officers or soldiers since 1649.  Dated 15/12/1662. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, 15/12/1662, p648-5.] In the same year so, too, did Daniel Cooper [opus cit, p567] and John Cooper [opus cit, p659], in Co Antrim; also Henry Johnson and Thomas Price.

1662:  Capt Otway had a troop in Lieut-General Jones’ Regiment. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, 15/12/1662, p658.]

1662:  Henry Ham was added to the list of officer and soldier claimants for lands’ moneys worth in Capt John Galland’s company for their services since 1649. In part satisfaction lands in Coleraine, co Londonderry and Kilconway, co Antrim, were given to them. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, 1662, p651.]  Note the Ham family of Leixlip lived in the Glebe house, Pound St, or nearby c1810, and are buried in Confey graveyard.

1662:  An abstract of the debentures of Capt Robert Stear(e)’s company in Lord Deputy Fleetwood’s regiment of foot soldiers, for service since 1649 give claims in money of, inter alia, John Colgan, Wm Chapman, Robert Steele, John Swan and John Easton (2). In part satisfaction they [others included] were assigned 7,055 acres in the barony of Cary, [co Antrim?], c December, 1662. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, c12/1662, p655-6.]

1662:  The Lord Chancellor Eustace recently purchased the manor or lordship of Chapelizod and has expressed willingness to give up 400 acres of his land to be laid out in Our manor [of the Phoenix], noted the King. Eustace had earlier complained that the weirs on the Liffey near Chapelizod were causing his adjoining lands to fill with water and subsequently he sought to acquire them. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, c16/12/1662, p661.]

1662:  On 31/12/1662 the Lord Chancellor Sir Maurice Eustace lobbied on behalf of his two nephews, Sir John Eustace and Sir Maurice Eustace, lately knighted and settled in the King’s service. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1660-1662, London, 1905, 31/12/1662, p670.]

1663:  Charles II wrote to the Lord Lieutenant on 13/4/1663, noting that James Allen of St Woolstan’s, whose lands were restored, has sold them to Lord Berkeley of Stratton, President of Connaught. He was ordered to grant them to Berkeley and Col Richard Talbot. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1663-1665, London, 1907, 13/4/1663, p59.] Check if Allen’s lands then included Leixlip manor and castle.  Berkeley may have given his name to what is now Buckley’s Lane, Leixlip. In Galway Berkeley is credited with rebuilding many of the city’s houses, ruined in the war, at his own expense.

1663:  Sir Paul Davis/ Davies/ Dayvs is mentioned as being Secretary of State in Ireland, 3/6/1663. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1663-1665, London, 1907, 3/6/1663, p118.]

1663:  The Lord Lieutenant and Council issued a proclamation to the effect that the indulgence granted by a declaration of the Lords Justices and Council of 30/4/1662 to “those recusants, non-conformists and sectaries who were misguided and did not conform to the laws of the land concerning uniformity of common prayer and service” would be at an end after 24/12/1663. The Lord Lieutenant et al recognised that many recusants did not take part in the recent conspiracy for seizing Dublin Castle and that a gentle approach to securing religious conformity was helpful to this end. The bishops, Sheriffs and Justices were directed not to prosecute persons for past offences in this respect. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1663-1665, London, 1907, 29/6/1663, p154-5.] This period may have led to the construction of Papish chapels, where the ‘blind eye’ was turned?

1663:  Charles II wrote to the Lord Lieutenant directing specific compensation to the Earl of Mt Alexander, since he didn’t get his grant of St Wolstan’s. James Allen, son to Nicholas Allen, who was brother to Sir Thos Allen, deceased, was found innocent and hand his lands restored. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1663-1665, London, 1907, 18/7/1663, p317.]

1664:  Charles II wrote to the Lord Deputy directing that Thos Eustace, grandson of Nicholas Eustace of Confy, who has been adjudged innocent, be restored to his houses and lands in the city of Dublin and in Drogheda, in accordance with the King’s letter of 23/4/1664. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1663-1665, London, 1907, 20/7/1664, p414.] The King wrote a similar letter on the same date to the Lord Lieutenant for the information of the Commissioners of Settlement [opus cit, p389]

1665:  Charles II wrote to the Lord Lieutenant for John, Lord Berkeley: “We hear that many houses in the corporations of Ireland, especially in that of Galway, are fallen to utter ruin and decay, in regard they belong to no particular persons, but are comprehended within the general extent of your interest. John, Lord Berkeley, has purchased considerable arrears of the ’49 interest [presumably buying up the moneys’ streams due from the Crown to soldiers for their services in Ireland], which he desires may be assigned on Galway, he intending to rebuild and repair the houses at his own cost and charges. We recommend him to you for assignment of the arrears he has purchased, according to the said rules and terms whereby any other has been gratified.” [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1663-1665, London, 1907, 10/9/1665, p639.] 

1665:  A letter from John Beix to Joseph Williamson in the State records, and dated 15/2/1665, from Mountmellick, refers to the writer’s interest in a small iron works in the King’s and Queen’s county about 30 miles from Dublin. He notes that there is only a small encouragement for that trade, being only small openings for iron and a great deal of foreign iron brought in from Spain and Sweden [called Swedland], which beats down our price so that if I can meet with a chapman [=peddlar, seller] I shall desire to put it to seall [= to offer it for sale?] and quit my interest asap. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1663-1665, London, 1907, 15/2/1665, p540.]

1665:  The King wrote to the Lord Lieutenant on 28/6/1665 on behalf of Viscount Ranelagh regarding the market for iron. It would appear that Ranelagh wrote that “I have sent Thos Ricabby over into Lancashire to see if he can find any market for iron. I can sell none here and have worth near £1000; and for these two or three years I have with great difficulty but got money out of it to carry it on and pay for workmen’s wages to coal and bring over mine, and to keep it going”. The King noted [?] that “here are so many [iron] works that (though no foreign iron come in now) the country are so poor that more is made than they can get money to buy and pay for”. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1663-1665, London, 1907, 28/6/1665, p602.]

1665:  The Lord Lieutenant wrote to Secretary Arlington indicating that a proposed deal between Lord Berkeley and his nephew, Sir Maurice Berkeley, had fallen through. This was for the transfer of the Presidency of Connaught. The Lord Lieutenant was giving his approval for the transfer to Lord Kingston. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1663-1665, London, 1907, 21/12/1665, p690.]

1667:  Charles II wrote from Whitehall to the Lord Lieutenant directing him to advance Thomas Price, Bishop of Kildare, to the Archbishopric of Cashel and the united diocese of Emily etc. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1666-1669, London, 1908, 20/4/1667, p347.]

1667:  Charles II wrote from Whitehall to the Lord Lieutenant for Ambrose Jones, DD, archbishop of Meath, directing that he be made bishop of Kildare and prebend of Maynooth, which bishop Price held with the bishopric of Kildare, together with rents and profits of the see to be increased to £700.

1667:  An affidavit made by Sir George and Dame Docus Lane was sworn before W Glascocke on 27/5/1667. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1666-1669, London, 1908, 1668, p577.]

1668:  In a list of churchmen in Ireland and their incomes, Archdeacon Dr Bulkly [aka Bulkley] of St Patrick’s Cathedral is described as a “grave good man”. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1666-1669, London, 1908, 1668, p676.]  Possible connection with Buckley’s Lane, Leixlip?

C1668:  Collinstown / Collinblakestown was included in a lost of ‘towns and lands’ in Ireland belonging to Viscount Dongan [Dungan] of Clane. Also included in the list were Castletown, Kildrought [Celbridge] and Kilmacredock. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1669-1670 with Addenda, 1625-70, London, 1910, c1668, p616.]

1669:  On 8/4/1669 Charles II wrote to the Lord Deputy on behalf of Sir Edward Sutton, indicating that Sutton had informed him that James Eustace of Confey, having been adjudged nocent [opposite of innocent] by the commissioners of Settlement, his interest in his estate is therefore forfeited to the King, but that his estate was entailed on his son [left to him on his death], Thos Eustace. He, pretending his father, James, to be dead, afterwards put in his own claim, and being innocent, has thereby obtained a decree and possession of his said father’s estate, though the father be still alive. Sir Edward Sutton has also set forth that he has a title to be supplied as a deficient as per the rules of the Acts of Settlement and Explanation. The King direct the Lord Deputy, if the alleged facts be true, to cause a grant to the whole of this estate to be made to Sutton and his executors, etc. in part payment of his deficiencies and all the rent arrears due and detained from the King since the said fraud was committed. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1666-1669, London, 1908, 8/4/1669, p708.]

1669:  About the 8/4/1669 Thomas Sandford, McWilliam Moore, and others concerned in the estate formerly belonging to James Eustace of Confey, petitioned Charles II. They observed that about 4 years ago Thomas Eustace proved his father dead in court and got possession of his estate or the greater part of it. Then he sold it to the petitioners with leases and great fines to be paid by the petitioners, or in other cases, great sums laid out on improvements. After Thomas spent what he had obtained, his father appeared to be alive, so that the petitioners’ leases were invalidated. They have a right to these after James Eustace’s death. They ask the King for their lands during James’ life at reasonable rents and that if the King grants the estate to Sir Edward Sutton, they pay him, Sutton, a reasonable rent and have security of tenure. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1666-1669, London, 1908, 8/4/1669, p708.]

1669:  In May 1669, a draft letter was prepared for Charles II to send to the Lord Deputy on behalf of Col Richard Lawrence, who had successfully established a large linen manufacturing works at Chapelizod on land on the north side of the river Liffey. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1669-1670 with Addenda, 1625-70, London, 1910, May 1669, p635-6.]

1669:  Robert Bekett or Beckett is one of 20 persons deemed master bricklayers whom the King has instructed the Lord Deputy to set up as a union or guild this day, 29/8/1669. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1666-1669, London, 1908, 29/8/1669, p782.]

1670:  The King wrote to the Lord Lieutenant on behalf of William Glascock, directing that he, Glascock, be preferred for the post of Commissioner of Appeals for the duties of Excise, and to be paid £200 p.a. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1669-1670 with Addenda, 1625-70, London, 1910, 6/3/1670, p84.]

1670:  On the 14/8/1670, Charles II wrote to the Lord Lieutenant about the ‘scam’ perpetrated by Tomas, son of James Eustace, of Confey.  Sir Edward Sutton had written to him stating that the grant made to him of these lands was very little use to him, since part of the estate was granted to the Duke of York [the King’s brother]. He also discovered that James Eustace had transferred the lands to his son Thomas Eustace after the outbreak of the rebellion in October 1641, after which no person in the rebellion (as James was) could legally pass on this estate. The King announced that he would be pleased to pass the fees and inheritance to Sir Edward Sutton forever, except for that portion granted to the Duke of York. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1669-1670 with Addenda, 1625-70, London, 1910, 14/8/1670, p215.]

1670:  On 22/8/1670 Charles II wrote to the Lord Lieutenant on behalf of Charles White of Leixlip, stating that Nicholas White and his father, Sir Nicholas White, were adjudged innocent on 26/2/1663 by the Acts of Settlement and Explanation and Nicholas was restored to the estate of which his father was seized at 22/10/1641. Since then Nicholas died and the profits accrued to his brother, Charles White, who has petitioned the King asking for remission of the new quit rent of £268 odd imposed on the estate, which before 1641 paid only £93 odd. A great part of the lands subject to the new quit rent are mountainous. Charles II directed that the Lord lieutenant remit the new quit rent and arrears thereof and issue letters patents and provide for full security for White. The quit rent referred to is shown in a table thus: for co Kildare, £24 7s; for co Tipperary, £126 odd; for co Kilkenny, £14 odd; for Dublin, £12 odd; for Waterford, 6s 5d; for Kings county, 12s 1d; these were remitted by the King. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1669-1670 with Addenda, 1625-70, London, 1910, 22/8/1670, p236, augmented by dates from a draft dated c9/3/1669, p628, opus cit, and tabulated quit rents from the like, dated 3/9/1670, p251.]

1670:  The Lord Lieutenant wrote to Secretary Arlington on 6/10/1670 recommending the bishopric of Killala to Dr Thomas Otway, who came to him from England on the recommendation of the Archbishop of Canterbury and others, as his chief chaplain. He was a single man, aged 50 to 60 years. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1669-1670 with Addenda, 1625-70, London, 1910, 6/10/1670, p229.] The King agreed to the above proposal, 19/10/1670 [opus cit, p287.] It is possible that this Otway is a predecessor of Rev Caesar Otway of St Mary’s, Leixlip.

1670:  Many Roman Catholic nobility and gentry of Ireland, including Nicholas White, petitioned Charles II on 28/11/1670 seeking redress of their grievances. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1669-1670 with Addenda, 1625-70, London, 1910, 28/11/1670, p313]

1671:  A Colonel Lawrence imported workmen from Brabant and Rochelle, Dutch and Belgian workmen, and set them up making woollen and linen goods at Chapelizod. [Frances Gerard, Picturesque Dublin, London, 1898, p292] Had he Leixlip connections?  Place became known as Little Holland? A Goodshaw of Leixlip married a Miss Lawrence.

1673:  In February 1673, Lord Dungan of Castletown near Celbridge, committed one John Byrne, a Dominican of Kilcock, to Naas jail charge with various misdemeanours. While in jail Byrne was visited by Sir Henry Ingoldesby, one of the leaders of the Protestant interest, with the result that Byrne accused Dungan of being the mere instrument of Archbishop Talbot who had previously excommunicated him and laid the people of Kilcock under interdict for adhering to him. [The object was to create disputes between bishops]. Coppinger was mentioned as a recalcitrant friar seeking to curb the ‘exhorbitances’ of Archbishop Talbot. [Rev Wm P Burke, The Irish Priests in the Penal Times (1660-1760) from the State Papers in HM Record Offices, etc., Waterford, 1914, p30.]

1675:  A notice attached to the principal door of St Mary's Church, Leixlip opened: "An Act for ye rebuilding of Leixlip Church 31 August 1675"  - "everyone within ye parish of Leixlip, Lucan, Esker, Confey and Stackumney to pay four pence per acre and every house in the aforesaid parishes to pay according to ye rate of a sosmont for ye years value.."  "..to expend in ye building up and repairs of the said Church of Leixlip.." [Leixlip Parish Register, 1669+]

1676:  Rev. Thomas Hawley was Minister at St. Mary's.

1679:  William Ingham of Leixlip married Maria, dau of Piers and Sarah Hughes, of Ballytrent, Co Wexford, in 1679 [Private communication, on 15/8/2001 from George Randal Ingham of Boston, a historian, and quoted from The Wexford Gentry, a book.]  George Ingham says his father grew up on an estate in Westport, co Mayo, (still in the family) and his grandfather was born in Loughrea in 1821 and had many connections with people famous in Irish history. He was owed £10K by Robert Dillon Browne, MP for Mayo (and friend and supporter of Daniel O'Connell). His grandfather was related to the Inghams of Blake Hall, in Mirton, Yorkshire. The Blake Hall family were big in the linen manufacture, as well as coal-mines. The Blake Hall family had a house "Island House" at Castleconnell, Co Limerick, where his grandfather died. Anne Bronte wrote a novel about them; she was their governess.  In Ireland they were most numerous in Cavan; their most famous member of the Cavan family was the artist, Charles Cromwell Ingham.

1680:  James FitzGerald swore, on 22/12/1680, that James Geoghegan was formerly a ffryer, and came to his house at Maddinstown on the 11th inst in a violent manner with 8 horsemen and a piper playing before him late in the evening and clapt a Carbine to the brest of this Examinate’s wife demanding where her husband was, thence went to Athy to return the next day.  Presently there came in a priest guarded by one of the horsemen and the said Geoghegan asked this Examinate whether he would be bound for the said priest, who refused so to be. The priest was then released by the said Geoghegan, paying him 32s 6d; and a chalice and box of oyle was delivered back to the priest on payment of the money. FitzGerald said that Geoghegan on or about the 16th inst took from him a nagg, saddle and bridle on pretence that he looked like a young fryer, which horse he, Geoghegan, sold for a guinea, tho worth three pounds to a horseman at Athy.  Geoghegan was corruptly making money from the position of the clergy under persecution. [Rev Wm P Burke, The Irish Priests in the Penal Times (1660-1760) from the State Papers in HM Record Offices, etc., Waterford, 1914, p72.]

1681:  A sworn report by troopers and others hired to arrest Popish priests, and dated 3/6/1681, includes the following statement by trooper William Lowfield: At the house of Widow Ledwich at Clonsilla we arrested Fr Ledwich and sized a chalice and vestments, thence we went to Leixlip where the said Geoghegan dined with Mr White and forbid him to harbour any priests, thence to Kildrought where we seized Fr Brown, thence to Maynooth. At Maynooth the said Geoghegan drew his purse wherein was gold and silver and showing it to Brown, the priest, said, look hear you Rogue, if you would doe as I doe you will not want for gold or silver. At Kilcock the said Geoghegan proferred to sell the said chalice but none would buy it, and then he left the said vestments with a woman at the sign of the Earl of Kildares Arms to keep till his return. [Rev Wm P Burke, The Irish Priests in the Penal Times (1660-1760) from the State Papers in HM Record Offices, etc., Waterford, 1914, p72.]

1682:  Thomas Monk described Co. Kildare for Sir Wm Petty about 1682: it is repeated in JKAS, Vol 6 no.4, 1910, p339-346. Leixlip is not mentioned specifically, but the Liffey and general state of farming is.

1682: Damastown House, demolished to make way for the large industrial estate, was inherited in 1687 by the Rev Charles Proby of Castleknock, who eloped with the niece of Archbishop Narcissus Marsh. [Hone, Craig & Fewer, The New Neighbourhood of Dublin, Dublin, 2002, p82-3.]

1687:  In the year Richard Talbot, Earl of Tyrconnell, of Carton, encamped his army at the Curragh along with other retreating Jacobites, including the Duke of Berwick, after they retreated from the Battle of the Boyne. [Col Dan Bryan, ‘The Curragh training camp’, Irish Sword, Vol 1, 1953, p347; cited by Con Costello, A Most Delightful Station: The British Army on the Curragh of Kildare, Ireland, 1855-1922, Cork, 1999, p7-8.]  Talbot was King James’s commander-in-chief in Ireland.

1689:  Charles Whyte [White], of Leixlip, 4th son of Sir Nicholas Whyte, MP for the boro' of Kildare, was elected for the boro' of Naas along with Lord Walter Dongan of Castletown. Charles Whyte served in the wars in Spain and later was appointed Governor of Kinsale by James II. In 1690, he was made a Commissioner of Assessment for Co Kildare. On the death of his unmarried eldest brother, Nicholas, he succeeded to the estate of Leixlip. He married twice; firstly to the Hon Eleanor Barnewall, daughter of Viscount Kingsland and secondly to Mary, 5th dau of the Rt Hon Sir Thos Newcomen, of Sutton. He died in 1695 leaving John, of Leixlip, m. Mary, dau of Nicholas Purcell, of Loughmoe, Co Tipperary, who d. 1760; secondly leaving Charles (France), Christopher and Theobald (both alive in 1695) and a daughter, Frances, who m. Francis Alen of St Wolstan's. [Thomas Ulick Sadleir, 'Kildare Members of Parliament, 1559-1800', JKAS, Vol IX, 1918-21, p380; one source used by the author was King James' Irish Army List].  Dongon died in 1698; his mother was Marie Euphemia, dau of Sir Richard Chambers. Note that Euphemia is a first name carried on in the Cooper family of Barnhall etc.

1689-91:  Ireland was engulfed in war, due to William of Orange’s deposition of his father-in-law, King James II from the English throne; William’s conflict with king Louis XIV of France, who back James’s restoration; and the support of Irish Catholics for James.  The nominal commander of Jacobite Ireland was King James’ young illegitimate son, the duke of Berwick (aged 19), but the real power lay with Sarsfield and other generals. The Williamite War ended with the treaty of Limerick, 3/10/1691. [Harmon Murtagh, ‘Jacobite Offaly, 1689-91’, in Nolan & O’Neill (eds), Offaly History & Society, Dublin, 1998, p319-38.]

1690: In 1690 the Duke of Berwick made a halt near Brazil, aka Brazeel, near the Church of Killeek or Killeigh, back road from Dublin Airport northwards, in his retreat from the Boyne. [Hone, Craig & Fewer, The New Neighbourhood of Dublin, Dublin, 2002, p60.]

1690:  The Thorpe papers are said to contain a very good picture of the ‘most passable roads in for the army to march to the siege of any place’; they may refer to Leixlip. [Anon, An exact description of the roads of Ireland, London, 1690; Thorpe 11, pamphlet 666, micro-fiche 50, NLI.]

1690:  Newspaper, probably the Evening Telegraph (on pink paper), dated Saturday, 5/9/1903 has a piece on the church/parish of Aderrig. It states that on an old map of a survey made by Abraham Carter in May 1690, the name of this place appears as Anderrick, not improbably an English phonetic of An Dairigh, ie, the (place of) oaks. On the old map an area of 40 Irish acres near here is shown under timber and named The Great Wood. The church measured 36ft by 18ft. [RD Walshe, Cuttings and Notes, Lucan and Leixlip, 20th c, MS 11658 NLI.]

1696:  Van Homrigh [of Celbridge] wrote a letter dated 28/7/1696 to Ginkel stating, inter alia, “There are about 250 acres called Kilmacredock bordering on Castletown. Irish farmers live on it and have tilled it up to now..  We have to change the tenants, because they have exhausted the soil..”  “There are some decayed cabins on it. No one could live in them, so new cabins will have to be built.” [Analecta Hibernica, No 33, Dublin, 1986, p119.]

1697:  An Act was passed in the Irish Parliament this year banning all Papist priests etc., and requiring them to leave the kingdom by 1/5/1698. A list of secular and regular priests was compiled on 2/3/1697 in each county, city or town, by the authorities in readiness for the ban. 
County of Dublin [sic] Parishes of Lucan and Leixlip [there were] (Secular) Oliver Doyle, priest of Lucan and Esker, living at Esker. (Secular) John Duffey priest of Leixlip and Manooth, usually lives at Cartowne in the parish of Manooth. (Regular) Daniel M’’kan, Fryer, living Manooth generally with Mrs Nothigham at Lucan, sometimes at Major Allens of St Woolstans.

The Nottinghams of Ballyowen [castle?] were a distinguished RC family during these times. [See John Kingston, ‘Catholic Families of the Pale’, Reportorium Novum, Vol 1, No 2, Dublin, 1955, p323-4, for a history of this family.] In 1677 Maria Nottingham presented a chalice (now inscribed) to Skerries parish church.

County of Kildare Parishes of Taghtoo and Laraghbrine (Secular) John Duff parish priest of Taghtoo and Laraghbrine living at Old Cartown in ye parish of Laraghbrine. No Regulars can be found in these parishes. [Reportorium Novum, vol 1, no. 1, 1955, p149.]

1698: P11, Con Costello, Kildare Saints, Soldiers & Horses, Naas, 1991: A description of hurling, with balls made of rolled-up cow hair. John Dunton, 1698.

1698:  John Dunton (b1659), London bookseller, travelled in Ireland this year and wrote a book comprising a series of letters, Teague Land: or A Merry Ramble to the Wild Irish (1698), published in printed form, Dublin, 2003, on his journeys.  These included as Letter 1, a journey on horseback from Dublin to Galway. “…the first place I arrived at was Chappell Izod, a country house within two little miles of Dublin seated upon the banks of the Liffie, and by the wall of the deer park [Phoenix Park] whereto the governors of this kingdom commonly retire from the fatigues of their court.  There is little remarkable here more than the situation, which lyeing between two heights upon a pleasant smooth river, makes it agreeable enough.”  “From hence I jogged on through Palmers Town, St Catherines, and Leixlip all upon the banks of the river, and tho they be not soe fine as Windsor, Hampton court or Kensington, yet I assure you there are seats not unworthy of a private gentlemans residence, or a strangers consideration, especially if he be prepossest with soe mean an opinion of the country as I was.  The swans in the water, an number of fishermen on the banks, the boscage, [?] and some wood made me regard it as verie agreeable landskip, and perhaps you will wonder if three soe good houses & pleasant seates did lately belong all to one private gentleman not dignified with any higher mark of quality than that of an esquire.”  “.. it was dinner time before my horse brought me to Mainooth, tenn miles from Dublin. It is a tolerable village with one or two good inns where meate is well dressed, and good liquors to be had.” [p33-34]. There is no further mention of Leixlip, but it appears that he traversed the north bank of the river Liffey as far as Leixlip. He goes on to write of a tale told him that refers to Cromwell’s time, when the Irish rebels had no English. [p36].

1699:  King William II had an Act passed for raising money in Ireland; £30K of which became due on 24/6/1699 of which £860 was levied on co Kildare, for which Commissioners were appointed. They included James Barry, Thos Medlicot, Wm Connely [Conolly], Robert Dixon, John Allen, Robert Echlin, Agmondisham Vesey, Henry Warren, James White, Walter White, Francis Spring, Thos Twigg, Rev Thos Hawley, Wm Becket, James McManus, Thos Ash. Rev Hawley was of St Mary’s, Leixlip. [JKAS, Vol XV, No 1, 1971, p28 & 58. For a full list.]  In 1647, Sir Maurice Eustace, Prime Serjeant and Speaker of the Commons, transferred his lands at Palmerstown etc to his brother-in-law, Henry Warren. [Nessa O’Connor, Palmerstown – An Ancient Place, Dublin, 2003, p100-101.]

LEIXLIP CHRONOLOGY 1600 - 1649AD

Leixlip Chronology, 1600 – 1649 

Compiled by John Colgan   

1600:  The practice of Modern Irish language is taken as dating from this time.

1600:  Sir Robert Cecil, in a note dated 24/4/1600, explaining who were acceptable to work in Ireland with the English against the rebels, observed: “For the Irish [= Scots of Gaelic ancestry] Scots, the Campbells and the [Macleans] only are to be trusted”. [EG Atkinson (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1600, London, 1903; 24/4/1600, p118.]

1600:  In a letter dated 4/7/1600, Lord Mountjoy wrote to Sir Robert Cecil, a long obscure appraisal of the progress of the rebellion.  Of the rebels he wrote: “In Leinster they continue strong. The Enes [?], and whatsoever the Queen’s forces do not cover, that they take, and waste whatsoever they do not defend, which is impossible for us to do in all parts.” [EG Atkinson (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1600, London, 1903; 24/4/1600, p301.]

1600:  Pardon to Robert Bell, of Carton, Allison Donogh of Maynowth, Wm M’Kechoe [=McKeogh, a family now resident at Confey/Moor of Meath], of Leixlip, Co Kildare. [Fiant No 6459, Elizabeth I, dated 22/9/1600, The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol III, 1521-1588, Dublin, 1994.]

1600:  Elizabeth I in a fiant No 6459 and dated 22/12/1600, granted pardon to [inter alia] Robert Bell of Carton; Morish Malone of Maynooth, Phelim Dempsie of Clowchonell, Co Kildare; Wm McKechoe, [= McKeogh] of Leixlip; Gerrot O’Ferrall of  .. Co. Kildare.  Provided that this pardon shall not extend to pardon any intrusion upon possession of the crown, or release any debt, fine or alienation, account or arrears, payable to the crown.

Note early mention of Leixlip names: Bell, Dempsey, Farrell, Malone, McKeogh.

1600:  A long State paper, from December 1600, assesses the causes of the rebellion in Ireland. On religion it notes:
“For no one cause hath given greater furtherance to all the combinations [= unions, groups] of Ireland, than the loose hand which hath been held over the government of the Church… For generally, through the whole realm, a use hath been permitted of the Romish religion, and little diligent search made after Jesuits and seminaries, that these many years have roamed up and down from beyond the seas to practise mischief and work combinations, …  and I fear have lived the more securely through corruption that hath been used, which I rather think, because of the common use that is of the mass in towns, who it is said have and do pay well for same.”  “And though I could name many towns where masses are thus used, yet do I observe none so publicly as at Kilkenny and Clonmel… And in this very city of Dublin, there are not above twenty householders of the country birth that do come to church..” [EG Atkinson (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1600-1601, London, 1905; December 1600, p122.]

c1600:  Lord Walter FitzGerald reports [JKAS, Vol II, 1899-1902, p118+] that following an analysis of the Elizabethan Fiants, Inquisitions and funeral entries, that the following were in occupation of properties specified: John fitz Thomas Alen (d 29/9/1616), St Wolstan's; Nicholas fitz John Eustace (d 1648), Confey; Gerald fitz Edward, 14th Earl of Kildare (d 11/2/1612), Maynooth; Richard Manering or Mainwaring, Leixlip;  William Roe (d c1617), Branganstown; Sir Wm fitz Robert Talbot, Bart, (d 16/3/1633), Carton;  Sir Nicholas fitz Andrew White or Whyte, Knt, (d 24/2/1654), Leixlip;

1601:  Notes in Sir Robert Cecil’s hand, of April, 1601: We must provide transport for 4,000 men [to Ireland]: inter alia, 300 from Essex, 300 from London etc [the two largest numbers by town/area]. [EG Atkinson (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1600-1601, London, 1905; April, 1601, p301.]

Note that Essex seems to be the origin of the Glascock family, eventually of Leixlip and Dublin.

1601:  The Earl of Kildare is living at Maynooth castle. [Robert Pentland Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1601-3, (with Addenda 1565-1654), London, 1912; 1601, p1.]

1601:  The O Connors and the O Moores of Leix{lip- error?} and Ophaly were excluded from pardons granted. [Fiant No 6531, Elizabeth I, dated 27/5/1601, The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol III, Dublin 1994; ditto, Fiant No 6551, June, 1601; and Fiant No 6561, July, 1601; and Fiant No 6661, dated 23/6/1602.]

1601:  In a letter dated 14/8/1601, Captain E Fitzgerald wrote to Secretary Cecil noting that: “The heir of Sir Nicholas White, late Master of the Rolls in Ireland, also holds some of [the lands in the English pale] by inheritance”. [Robert Pentland Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1601-3, (with Addenda 1565-1654), London, 1912; 14/8/1601, p35.]

1601:  A memorandum entitled a ‘Discourse on Ireland’ (no author cited) includes the following of local relevance: ‘Her Majesty owns many castles and puts constables and garrisons into them which she pays: but there is no reason why she should not charge the constables rent for the land attached to the Castles. As it is important that there should be many English gentry in the country it is desirable that no knight should have more than 1,000 acres and no captain that is not a knight more than 800, no private gentleman above 700, and no farmer above 200 and no husbandman or churl above 120. The most deserving should be given the best lands.    The woods and bogs are a great hindrance to us and help to the rebels, who can, with a few men, kill many of ours in a wood though which they can pass only at certain passes. The rebels can then remain in the woods till they recruit their strength. In the bogs our soldiers, who know them, can fight at no great loss, and can see the enemy’s strength; but in woods they may fall into an “ambushcado”. If the country is quieted by cutting off the principal rebels much good could be done to the bogs by our labour and by the Irish churls felling, dressing and burning the trees in heaps. This could be done whilst leaving sufficient timber for the use of the country, if a tree is left every 20 yards and the shrubs, etc., either stocked up at the first or continually cut up”. [Robert Pentland Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1601-3, (with Addenda 1565-1654), London, 1912; 1601, p253.]

c1601:  Several mentions of Sir Edward Herbert, Knight, and his band of soldiers in Ireland. A Herbert occupied property in Main Street, Leixlip, in the vicinity of Rye Cottage, c1850. [Robert Pentland Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1601-3, (with Addenda 1565-1654), London, 1912; 1601-2]

c1601:  Garrott Sutton petitioned to have his father’s, David Sutton’s, attainder reversed. David Sutton of Castleton [Castletown], Kildrought, was attainted at the time of Lord Grey’s government. [Hist. Mss Commission, Rep Salisbury Mss Pt XIV, 1923, p196].  See 1599.

1602:  Details of expenditure on the Irish Army during the year 1601-2 in a document dated 19/3/1602, includes a payment to William Bell, chief engineer. (Note Leixlip & Cooldrinagh family of Bell, including a William, in recent times). Under the heading, ‘Wardens in the different castles’, there is no specific mention of Leixlip Castle and only one castle at Dublin called Tristram Eccleston is mentioned with a constable and ten warders. [Robert Pentland Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1601-3, (with Addenda 1565-1654), London, 1912; 19/3/1602, p345.]

1602:  A list dated 25/3/1602 of the Lords Lieutenants, Lords Deputies, and Lords Justice of Ireland - from Richard Strongbow [sic], Earl of Pembroke, and Raymond le Gros (1174) to Charles, Lord Mountjoy (1602), compiled by Thady Dowling, Chancellor of the diocese of Leighlin. Similar to Haydn’s Book of Dignities, ed. 1894, p550+. Also pedigree of Walter, Earl of Essex, Earl Marshal of Ireland, who died 21/9/1576, aged 36, in Dublin and who is buried in Camarthan - from Richard Strongbow and Eve, daughter of Dermot MacMorough, King of Leinster. [Robert Pentland Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1601-3, (with Addenda 1565-1654), London, 1912; 25/3/1602, p353.]

1602:  In October 1602 there were 2,120 foot soldiers and 299 horse soldiers under 16 captains in Leinster and borders of the English Pale. At 20/11/1602 there were “Attending the Lord Deputy: 100 horse; 200 on foot, always in Dublin, as the Lord Deputy’s guard.  There is no mention of soldiers garrisoned at Leixlip, and only mention of garrisons at places outside the Pale. [Robert Pentland Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1601-3, (with Addenda 1565-1654), London, 1912; 1602, p520-1.]

1602:  The State Pensions List for Ireland for 1602 shows John Beare, aka Beere, as serjeant-at-law receiving an pension of £27 6s 8d this year and nothing in 1611. Note that the name Beere has connections with the Black Castle, Leixlip and Maynooth town. See 1613. [In CW Russell and JP Prendergast (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1611-1614, London, 1877, p197, citing Carew Papers, Vol 629, p105]

c1602:  Record stating that William Marshal, Earl of Pembroke, had his property divided between his five daughters, Matilda, Isabella, Eva, Johanna and Sibella. [Robert Pentland Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1601-3, (with Addenda 1565-1654), London, 1912; 1602, p353.]

1602-3:  Pardon to Barnaby or Brian O’Connor, of Dirremolen, King’s co, Lisagh O’Connor, of same, gent, Elizabeth O’ Connor, sister of Barnaby, Callogh O’ Connor, his son, Alexander O Connor, his other son, and many more O’Connors. Barnaby and Lisagh O Connor were excepted from a provision requiring security. [Fiant No 6777, dated 23/3/1602-3, cited in The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol III, Dublin 1994.] Note that the various O’Connor names mentioned are probably all relatives of Lisagh, who was later of Black Castle, and Donaghmore, Leixlip.

c1603:  Although catalogued as sometime in 1604, more likely to be before May, 1603 [see below], Richard Hudson sent a long discourse on Ireland to James I, anxious to be of service, and calling for legislative reform of specified, even-handed kind.  He also referred to the history of the Earls of Kildare and their attainder. He gave a clue to his own provenance thus: “.. his grandfather being an Englishman, and having left him a poor patrimony within the English Pale there,.. etc” [CW Russell and JP Prendergast (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1603-1606, London, 1872, 1604, p239.]

Hudson may have given his name to Hudson’s holding at or near Newtown, Leixlip, shown on Thos Conolly’s map of his lands in Leixlip, c1730. St Mary’s, Leixlip, Baptism Register shows 5 baptisms of this name between 1711 and 1723.

1603:  In a draft letter dated 18/5/1603, James I wrote (no named recipient): In consideration of the service of Richard Hudson, grants him the reversion of the next avoidance [= clearing out] of the office of the Exchequer in Ireland, late in the occupation of one Colman, with all the fees, profits and commodities thereunto belonging. A grant thereof to be made to him for his life. [CW Russell and JP Prendergast (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1603-1606, London, 1872,  18/5/1603, p589.]

1603:  On 28/12/1603, the Lord Deputy Carey wrote to Sir Robert Cecil: …The plague increaseth in the city, and is much dispersed in the country. They are in great distress for want of food; none for three months for 2,300 soldiers in Leinster. The kingdom is in famine and great scarcity. Food must be supplied from England. [CW Russell and JP Prendergast (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1603-1606, London, 1872, 28/12/1603, p117.]

1604:  A list of Army staff and pensioners dated 31/1/1604 does not refer specifically to Leixlip castle, but includes six others including Dublin, Wexford and Duncannon; nor does it provide for pay to any warden in the Castle or any fort in Leixlip. [CW Russell and JP Prendergast (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1603-1606, London, 1872, 31/1/1604, p251-6.]
This suggests the Castle was empty or not in the State’s hands at that time, being leased to a dignity or perhaps derelict? It also suggests that Carey was not staying in the Castle, unless he had rented it as a country retreat.

c1604:  Inquisition held 20th February, 2nd King James [Assumed I], finds that James Cottrell, the last abbot [of the Abbey of St Thomas, Dublin], was seized of the lands of the manor of Leixlip; and the right of a flagon of ale out every brewing in the said town;  annual value of the whole, besides reprises, 10s. [Chief Remembrancer] [Mervyn Archdall, Monasticum Hibericum: or a history of the abbeys, priories, and other religious houses in Ireland, Vol II, Dublin, 1879, p54.]

1604:  Sir George Carey, writing to Sir Robert Cecil on 26/4/1604 from Dublin, notes that “The sickness still continuing in Dublin, he has adjourned this Easter term, and has provided that Midsummer term may be at Drogheda… Being desirous to dispatch some business, he and Mr Fran Richard purpose [= propose] to lie at Leeslippe [Leixlip], seven miles from Dublin”. He beseeches that the sheriff, justiciar and the Master of the Rolls may be speedily sent hither.. so that the people may begin to taste justice. [CW Russell and JP Prendergast (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1603-1606, London, 1872, 26/4/1604, p162-3.]

1604:  On 2/5/1604 the Lord Deputy, Sir George Carey wrote to the Attorney General from Leixlip. [CW Russell and JP Prendergast (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1603-1606, London, 1872, 2/5/1604, p166.]. 

He wrote again from Leixlip on 15/5/1604 authorising a pardon for 22 persons. [CW Russell and JP Prendergast (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1603-1606, London, 1872, 15/5/1604, p168.]

1604:  Sir George Carey, the Lord Deputy, wrote to Cecil [in London] from Leixlipp [Leixlip] on 20/5/1604 recommending a person for the ‘bishoprick of Kildare’. [CW Russell and JP Prendergast (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1603-1606, London, 1872, 20/5/1604, p175.] On the same day he wrote another letter from Leixlip to Cecil, expressing a desire to come to England for 2 or 3 months and recommending Sir Arthur Chichester in his place. He also asked for money to pay poor servitors etc. and requested the hasty return to Ireland of the Chief Justice and Master of the Rolls, as “many grants daily pass and the King’s Council here are but weak..” [CW Russell and JP Prendergast (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1603-1606, London, 1872, 20/5/1604, p175.] On the same day the Lord Deputy and Council of Ireland wrote another letter from Leixlip to the Lords of the Council in England. [CW Russell and JP Prendergast (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1603-1606, London, 1872, 20/5/1604, p168-9.]

It is unclear without further enquiry where the Lord Deputy stayed while he was in Leixlip in May 1604, avoiding the city plague.  Perhaps it was at St Catherine’s?  Or at the Castle? Or in a separate residence, perhaps built near the later Musick Hall? Further enquiry is needed.

1604:  By 16/6/1604, the Lord Deputy, Sir George Carey, has moved to Drogheda, as he intimated, and writes from there. [CW Russell and JP Prendergast (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1603-1606, London, 1872, 16/6/1604, p180.]  He was also there at 19/6/1604 and wrote to the Solicitor General with a warrant [opus cit, p180].

1604:  The Lord Deputy Carey was clearly in Leixlip in July, August, September and October, 1604, for there are records of letters sent by him from Leixlip to Viscount Cranbourne (2 items) [CW Russell and JP Prendergast (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1603-1606, London, 1872, 7/10/1604, p202.], to the Solicitor General, a pardon for 16 persons [opus cit, 10/9/1604, p196 and 10/7/1604, p183] and to any member of His Majesty’s Council in London [opus cit, 18/8/1604, p191].

George Carey had a reputation for ‘feathering his own nest’ and amassed a fortune of silver and plate as well as money while he served in Ireland, which wealththe returned to England upon his completion of his term of office in Ireland.. He was not without his critics.

1604:  In a report of a communication from Sir Arthur Chichester to Viscount Cranbourne [= Sir Robert Cecil], dated 28/6/1604 is stated: “On coming hither from Lyslyppe [Leixlip] for the casting of their men, [he] heard of the arrival of seven score of islanders at the Rowte [in Antrim], to Sir Randal McDonnell, under the command of Donnel Graeme [Vide note on O’Colgan, 1602], with such arms as they usually bear.” [CW Russell and JP Prendergast (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1603-1606, London, 1872, 28/8/1604, p194.]

1604:  A catalogue of certain ecclesiastical livings, dignities and prebends in the diocese of Dublin, which exceed £30 sterling and names of the incumbents etc.  Appended is a list of some or all which do not meet the £30 threshold; among these are: “the prebend of Donamore [=Donaghmore], with Michell Bellerbie, a graduate in the University, a minister and able to preach”. He patron is the archbishop of Dublin and the prebend is in the Cathedral Church of St Patrick. There is no mention of St Catherine’s, which was, of course, closed by the State. [CW Russell and JP Prendergast (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1603-1606, London, 1872, 1604, p169-171.]

1605:  On a State record dated 22/5/1605 is noted that Sir John Davys [Davies], Knt., is Master of the Rolls. [CW Russell and JP Prendergast (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1603-1606, London, 1872, 1605, p277.]

1604 or 5:  CL Adams, ‘The Castles of Ireland’ - Leixlip, in The Irish Times, of probably 8/6/1901, wrote that an inquisition taken on the lands of Nicholas Whyte Esq at Leixlip omitted all mention of the castle, although the salmon weir and other portions of the original grant are enumerated. [Transcripts of Inquisitions.] Miss Adams has been mistaken in other parts of the same article. She has confused Lucan and Leixlip and the Castle and the Black Castle.

1605:  ‘A Petition to the Lord Deputy by the Nobility and Gentry of the English Pale’ is interesting as much for the names of the Catholics who signed it as it is for its contents. The signatures confirmed that while they were Catholics, they were loyal to the King; that their priests did not seek to damage that loyalty; they asked not to be compelled against their religion and conscience.
Those from the county of Kildare were: the Lords Bellewe, Eustace, Fitzgerald and Sarsfield; James (3), Thos, Gerald, Garrett, Redmond, Oliver, Edward (2), and Maurice Fitzgerald; Gerald Aylemer; Nicholas & Thos Wogan; Maurice, Nicholas (2), Oliver, Walter, James and Christopher Eustace; John (2) Allen; John Sarsfield; John & Gerald Sutton; Barth. Symson; Patrick Tipper; Edw. Nangle; Edward Nugent; Chris & Thos Flattesberie; Oliver Rochfort; Andrew Sherlocke; Chris Welshe; N Latin and Walter Harrold. [CW Russell and JP Prendergast (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1603-1606, London, 1872, 1605, p362-4.]

1605:  Thomas Luttrell of Luttrellstown, Co Dublin, Esq, sold to Bartholomew Kent of Danestown, Gent., by deed dated 27/9/1605, all his possessions in Luttrellstown, etc in Co Dublin, and Leixlip, Donamore etc in Co Kildare, in consideration of a certain (unspecified) sum of money, to hold for ever as of the chief lord of the fee.[Brian C Donovan & David Edwards, British Sources for Irish History 1485-1641, p245, Irish Manuscripts Commission, 1997.]

1605:  There appears among the State pensioners newly elected by warrant of James I and the Lords of the Council, one Lisagh O’Connor, at a pension of 4s per diem. The decision date was 4/9/1603. [CW Russell and JP Prendergast (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1603-1606, London, 1872, 1605, p254-5.]. See 1606 for more details. O’Connor died in Leixlip; see note on his funeral and will.

1605:  Samuel Molyneux (aka Mullineux), marshal in the Star chamber, received £13 6s 8d p.a. in an abstract of fees, pensions, and annuities paid out of the King’s revenues in 1605; so, too did Daniel Molyneux receive £97 6s 8d this year in the same abstract.  Daniel’s was described as “a bought pension”. [CW Russell and JP Prendergast (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1603-1606, London, 1872, 1605, p377.]

Are these Molyneux, who shared the same first and surnames as the iron mill owners of Leixlip, the ancestors of the latter, who came a couple of generations later?

1606:  For Samuel Molyneux (see 1605), his pension of the same amount was listed for this year in an abstract. [CW Russell and JP Prendergast (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1603-1606, London, 1872, 1606, p433.]

1606:   On 20/1/1606 the Irish Star Chamber censored two Dublin Aldermen for refusing to go to the established church on Sunday.  They were heavily fined and “committed to His Majesty’s Castle of Dublin during the Lord Deputy’s pleasure, and also to be removed from the said castle to some other of HM’s castles or forts wherever the Lord Deputy shall think meet, except in the meantime they shall conform and take the oath of supremacy.” [CW Russell and JP Prendergast (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1603-1606, London, 1872, 1606, p391.]

1606:  On 17/4/1606 Sir John Davys was promoted to Attorney General, and the A.G. promoted to a judgeship (a draft document)..  [CW Russell and JP Prendergast (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1603-1606, London, 1872, 1606, p391.]

1606:  A further record of Lisagh O’Connor’s pension (of same amount as in 1605), with a note that this is to be his pension after his employment in the wars or when “other gifts from His Majesty cease”. Evidently, Lisagh was a soldier. [CW Russell and JP Prendergast (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1603-1606, London, 1872, 1606, p425.]

1606:  A note written by Sir Arthur Chichester, dated 13/9/1606, records that Dublin and other towns are deserted because of the plague; grass was growing in the streets. [CW Russell and JP Prendergast (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1603-1606, London, 1872, 1606, p571.]

1606:  an abstract of the fees, pensions and annuities paid out of His Majesty’s revenues in the year 1606 included Sir Anthony St Leger [aka Sentleger], Knight, Master of the Rolls. He received £192 4s 51/4 p.a. This was the second highest paid court official.  While the same abstract listed the keepers or constables of many castles and Naas gaol, there was no mention of Leixlip castle, suggesting that the Castle, if not a ruin then, was in occupation as a residence.[CW Russell and JP Prendergast (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1603-1606, London, 1872,  1606, p430.]

1606-7:  A return of Crown Lands and Tithes now in Lease from the King in Ireland provides a comprehensive inventory of major property owners in co Kildare. Included in Leixlip are:

Assigns of Sir Anthony St Leger, Knight [Master of the Rolls], Blackstowne [=Blakestown]; Anthony Broughton, great tithes of Leixlip; Andrew Whitt (sic, but actually Andrew White), a messuage in Leixlipp [the Castle or St Catherine’s?]; Richard Nobel, rectory of Leixlippe.
In addition, Patrick Cullen and John Cullen hold lands; Sir Edward Brabazon, Knight has the rectory of Kildrought; James Bee, of Dublin, goldsmith, has Sir Morrice FitzThomas’s farm in Kildrought, part of the possessions of David Hutton (sic, but probably Sutton); Sir Patrick Barnewall, Knight, has the tithes of Kilcocke; Edward Fitzgerald has Kilcock; Rut[t]lidge has Oughterard; Asshe [=Ashe] has a castle in Naas; John Davis has the tithes of Kilbride near Osberston [=Osberstown]; sir William Usher, Knight, has the rectory of Cloncurry and the executors of Richard Noble [the same?] have other lands. [CW Russell and JP Prendergast (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1603-1606, London, 1872,  1606-7, p58-59.]

Note that Ashe, Ruttledge and Cullen have Leixlip connections even in recent times, and a Glascock lived at Kilbride.

1607:  Nicholas White, Leixlip, eldest son of Andrew, was a Ward, Feb.12, 1607-08; Livery Jan. 1, 1620-21 and later MP for Maryborough.

1608:  Anthony St Leger, [Master of the Rolls] received an extraordinary payment of £74 13s 4d for his travelling charges in his [court] circuit for the year, 1/10/1607 – 30/9/1608. [CW Russell and JP Prendergast (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1608-1610, London, 1874, 1608, p73]. He had a residence at Blakestown, Leixlip.

1609:  In a list of State pensioners of Ireland, dated 14/3/1609, Lisagh O’Connor has £73 Irish p.a. [CW Russell and JP Prendergast (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1608-1610, London, 1874, 14/3/1609, p168].

1609:  By letter of 5/6/1609 the King wrote to Sir Arthur Chichester stating that having given permission to Sir Anthony Sentleger [=St Leger], late Master of the Rolls of Ireland, to leave and make his abode in England, and having chosen Sir Francis Aungier to take his place, Chichester is to admit him to that office with all such fees, house rent, etc. as St Leger had. . [CW Russell and JP Prendergast (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1608-1610, London, 1874, 5/6/1609, p212].

1610:  A State document on the plantation of the escheated lands of Ulster lists the [then] Sir Nicholas White [sic] as a servitor not in pay who is willing to “undertake”, including an undertaking to build castles or forts on any lands he is given. [CW Russell and JP Prendergast (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1608-1610, London, 1874,  29/1/1610, p368]. This would be the son of Sir Nicholas White the late, deceased Master of the rolls in Ireland.

1611:  A list of State pensions etc., dated September 1611, which includes references to constables of forts and gaols, including Dublin, Limerick, Carlow, Trim, Kilkenny and Wexford; Naas and other gaols, but makes no specific mention of Leixlip.

It may reasonably be concluded that Leixlip may have been in ruins at this time, unless there is other evidence to the contrary. [See TB Barry, The Archaeology of Medieval Ireland, London, 1999ed, p65]

1612:  Several references are made in the State papers to Peter Easton, pirate gang leader, with ample wealth, the efforts to appease him and the protection afforded him by James I.  He arrived in the island of Valentia on 27/9/1612. [In CW Russell and JP Prendergast (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1611-1614, London, 1877, p287.]

1612:  On 5/11/1612 Abraham Jacob, merchant, of London, had demised to him the right to collect the imposts [= tax, duty] on all wines imported.  This was an instruction from James I to Sir Arthur Chichester. [In CW Russell and JP Prendergast (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1611-1614, London, 1877, 5/11/1612, p298.]

1612:  CL Adams, ‘The Castles of Ireland’ - Leixlip, in The Irish Times, of probably 8/6/1901, wrote that in September 1612 an inquisition was held which stated that Gerald FitzGerald, son of Gerald, late Earl of Kildare, and uncle of Gerald, late Earl of Kildare, was seized of one castle, three messuages, one ruined water-mill, and forty acres of arable land at Leixlip. [Transcripts of Inquisitions.]  The castle is probably the Black Castle, not Leixlip Castle.

1613:  On 14/3/1613 James I instructed Lord Chichester to grant to Captain John Sanford [Sandford], his heirs and assigns, forever, all the lands, etc. which passed to the King by the attainder of the late Earls of Tyrone and Tyrconnell in Ulster. [In CW Russell and JP Prendergast (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1611-1614, London, 1877, 14/3/1613, p329.]

1613:  In July 1613 is a report of a dispute in the Irish Commons at which Everard and many recusants withdrew from the House. Mr Beere, lately the King [James I]’s Serjeant, was sent by the House to require Everard to return etc. The report was signed by Thomas Beare and others. [In CW Russell and JP Prendergast (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1611-1614, London, 1877, p403, citing Carew Papers, Vol 600, p20.]

1613:  On 12/11/1613 was published a report of a Commission to examine abuses in Ireland. The report is very long and includes a section on derelict churches, a summary of which follows: “It appears [from the examinations] that the laws for the advancement of God’s true religion are in very few places put in execution; as hardly any jury will present recusants, themselves being delinquents for the most part in the same kind, and wherever at any time heretofore they have presented, they themselves have been excommunicated, and these others terrified.” [Waterford practice cited as an example]. “That the true religion is not reverenced by contemned, principally through the multitude of Popish schoolmasters, priests, friars, Jesuits, and seminaries authorized by the Pope for every diocese, dignity, and living of value in the kingdom, who vigilantly and earnestly execrate and dissuade it.”  “The ruined churches, unfit for any assembly, the many recusant justices of peace, etc. who animate the people in their disobedience; the number of priests from seminaries erected for the Irish in Spain and the Low Countries, and the colleges of the Jesuits there, each of which instructs two students of the Irish.”  “The want of ministers and preachers arises from the want of livings to sustain them, by reason of a multitude of impropriations [= church lands etc., the tithes of which are in lay hands]; which is also the cause of the ruined state of the parish churches, as the owners and farmers of the impropriations will not maintain the chancels, and by their example the people neglect the rebuilding of the churches.”.  The Commission goes on to recommend a strict execution of the laws against Popish priests and schoolmasters, to enforce attendance at church; to weed out Popish priests and to be rid of idle and scandalous ministers. [CW Russell and JP Prendergast (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1611-1614, London, 1877, 1613, p446-7.]

1613:  Among Lord Chichester’s ‘Answers to recusants’ complaints’ is one relating to statute laws banning the export of linen and other items. He confirmed that in the 2nd year of James I a licence was granted to two men to export 1,200 packs of linen yarn each year, but to none other. [In CW Russell and JP Prendergast (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1611-1614, London, 1877, p379.]

1614:  By order dated 7/8/1614 James I directed Lord Chichester to establish a Commission to examine how every diocese is furnished etc. Among the Commissioners were Thomas, Archbishop of Dublin, the Chancellor. [In CW Russell and JP Prendergast (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1611-1614, London, 1877, 7/8/1614, p497.]

1615:  On 23/4/1615 a proclamation against the export from Ireland of wood for pipe staves etc was issued. [CW Russell and JP Prendergast (eds), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1615-1625, London, 1880,  23/4/1615, p48]. May be related to use for smelting iron?

1615:  List of Army and pensioners for 1615 at per diem rates includes Captain John Sandford, Constable of Doe Castle, and Lysagh O’Connor [Leixlip] was a ‘pensioner newly elected’ same year, according to this list. [CW Russell and JP Prendergast (eds), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1615-1625, London, 1880, 1615, p12]. Sandford is also listed as a servitor with 1,000 acres allocated to him in Co Donegal in 1618 [opus cit, p225].

1615:  In this year King James I (reigned 1603-1625) commissioned a group of dignitaries to visit all the churches, priest’s house, and spiritual livings generally in every diocese to see if they were supplied with incumbents; to assess the number of able preachers, and the ability and sufficiency of the clergy; to determine if any benefices were conferred on lay persons or popish priests; to assess the state of repairs of all churches, and whether furnished with tables, eats, pulpits, books and other ornaments; and the state of repair of parsons’ houses. The chief end of the visitation was to better regulate and administer discipline in the Church and a more convenient and plentiful support of the clergy and of his majesty’s revenue arising out of ecclesiastical benefices. It was intended to remove the benefices to deserving persons who would ensure that his revenues from the first fruits (of new titles or benefices); to advise on the best locations for parish churches; to carry out an inventory of church property, clergy, public notaries, clerical teachers and physicians. Many persons had been given lands by the realm which had been confiscated from monasteries and the like; these were called ‘impropriations’ and the receivers of the income off them, ‘impropriators’. The commission members included several archbishops, and, inter alia, Sir Arthur Savage, Sir Oliver Lambert, Sir John King, Sir Richard Ayleward, Sir Thomas Ashe, Sir Robert Nugent and Sir Robert Pigott.

Within the Deanery of Salmon Leap, alias Leixlip, only six churches were in good repair. It was reported that the church of Leixlip and its chancel were in a good state, with books etc, and the curate was Thomas Keatinge, a minister who could read. Keatinge was also the curate at Larabrin, which was in a similar condition. Wm Waters, another minister who could read, was the vicar at Kildroght, facilities similarly good; and at Kiladown (a ruin); and he was in charge of the vicarage of Straffan, the church and chancel of which was in good repair, and whose curate was Edward Piers, who could read and had books. The church, now in ruins, is in the graveyard at Straffan. Thomas Keatinge was also curate of Donacumper, where he was a resident minister. The church and roof were in good repair. In another Deanery, Oumurthey, Thomas Keatinge is again reported as the priest at Kilkea, near Donadea. Mr Keatinge was still in office in the next visitation, that of 1630 (which see; may be confused with inquisitions of 1657?).[Archivium Hibernicum, Vol. VIII, Maynooth, 1941, p1-5] Lucan, Aderrig, Esker, Palmerstown, Ballyfermot, Clondalkin and Drimnagh, were combined into one parish of Lucan & Clondalkin. [Nessa O’Connor, Palmerstown – An Ancient Place, Dublin, 2003, p35.]

1619:  An indenture made the 26/6/1619 between Walter, Earl of Ormonde and his feoffees [=person entrusted with the freehold, trustee] on the one part and Leysagh Connor of Leixleapp [Leixlip], gentleman, of the other part. Whereas Nicholas Nettervile of Ballegarth , co Meath, esq, now has a lease for an unexpired term of years in the manor of Blackcastell [Black Castle]and Donoghmore with their rights, members and appurtenances  in the co of Meath and of all the lands houses edifices buildings tenements and hereditaments whatsoever to the same manors belonging etc for the yearly rent of £24 sterling reserved and he also held a mortgage from the said Walter Earl, etc, for the sum of £200 stg. In consideration of Leysagh Connor paying Nettervile and assigns £200 for the redemption of the mortgage and the sum of £50 stg payable to Walter Earl of Ormond at the tomb of Strongbow in Christ Church Dublin, Connor, his execs and assigns shall have the said manors etc by permission of Nicholas Netterville during the full term of 51 years following. It was signed by the Earl, Thos Comerford and witnessed by Thos Dongan et al. [D3630, NLI; summarised in Calendar of Ormond Deeds, prepared for the Mss Department, NLI by T Blake Butler, p186.]  

1619:  Leysagh Connor was clearly out of Ireland on 26/6/1619 when he purchased Nicholas Netterville’s interest in the manors of Blackcastle and Donoghmore, so he entered into a bond  (in Latin) wherever he was on this date. The effect of this bond was that “within six months next after such time as the said Lysagh Connor shall now next arrive or land within the realm of Ireland, well and truly satisfy content pay or cause to be paid to Nicholas Netterville of Ballegart in the co of Meath,” £200 stg for the clear and full redemption of Netterville’s mortgage of £24 yearly rent and if he fails to do so Nettervilles obligation to pay his £24 annual rent remains in force. The bond was signed by Le: Conor [signature copied] and witnessed by Theo and John Bourke et al and dated 29/6/1619. [D3631, NLI; summarised in Calendar of Ormond Deeds, prepared for the Mss Department, NLI by T Blake Butler, p187.]  

1619:  A record of an iron mills in co Cork, which required protection. [CW Russell and JP Prendergast (eds), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1615-1625, London, 1880, 1619, p269].

1619:  Lancelot Bulkeley succeeded as Anglican archbishop of Dublin. Under him the appraisal of churches and schools in the Dublin diocese was conducted. It is probably a relative of his who gave his name to Buckley’s Lane, Leixlip. He died in 1650. [John d’Alton, History of the Archbishops of Dublin, Dublin, 1888.]

1620:  On 18/5/1620 the King reduced ale house licences from 10 shillings to 3s/6d per annum in Ireland and he instructed the Lord Deputy, St John, and the Council to decide on the numbers, fitness, etc. [CW Russell and JP Prendergast (eds), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1615-1625, London, 1880, 1620, p282]. Are there any licence records extant?

1621:  On 12/6/1621 the commissioners instructed by James I on 28/5/1621 presented their opinions on the general grievances of Ireland, the state of ecclesiastical and civil government and how his income improved and expenditures reduced in Ireland. Of interest is their comments on ‘recusants’ fines’, which amount to 12 pence upon every recusant for not coming to divine services, the revenue going to the King’s almoner, the Primate for his own use. The commissioners noted that the burden on recusants as a result of prosecutions by the sheriffs’ officers. They suggest that for the ease and comfort of the many poor persons, that prosecutions be directed against the better sort of men, so that when reformed the poor will be led by their example without further courses against them. They recommend that out of the fines the comfortable poor in every parish should be provided for above all others, so that others seeing them so regarded may for the like reason reform themselves. [CW Russell and JP Prendergast (eds), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1615-1625, London, 1880, 12/6/1621, p328-9].

1621:  CL Adams, ‘The Castles of Ireland’  - Leixlip, in The Irish Times, of probably 8/6/1901, wrote that in 1621 an inquisition was held on the death of Gerald, the 15th Earl of Kildare, included the Castle of Leixlip, etc. [Transcripts of Inquisitions.]

1623:  On 21/1/1623 the Lord Deputy and Council for Ireland issued a proclamation that priests, etc must leave the kingdom within 40 days or else suffer imprisonment, or conform and repair to church where they shall be protected. [CW Russell and JP Prendergast (eds), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1615-1625, London, 1880, 21/1/1623, p339].

1623:  Sir Thomas Phillips’ Memoir from the Ordnance Survey, Phoenix Park, dated 1/8/1623, suggests that iron mills be set up as a great source of revenue with plenty of wood to maintain them and commodious rivers to export the iron. Would greatly fortify the country with English. It seems intended for Ulster, but may also have given a direction for Leixlip.[CW Russell and JP Prendergast
(eds), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1615-1625, London, 1880, 1/8/1623, p428-9].

1623:  A record noting that money is required to repair forts and castles to make them defensible against Irish rebels, till a greater charge is bestowed to make them hold out against foreign invasion. In Leinster, Mariborough, Phillipston, Leighlin and Wexford Castles are mentioned as requiring expenditure. There is no mention of Leixlip castle. [CW Russell and JP Prendergast (eds),Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1615-1625, London, 1880, September1623, p430].

1624:  In May 1624, the Lord Deputy, Falkland, suggests a licence be issued to make ordnance [= mounted guns, cannon] of iron. [CW Russell and JP Prendergast (eds), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1615-1625, London, 1880, May 1624, p499].

1625:  Viscount Henry Carey Faulkland was appointed Lord Deputy of Ireland from 30/3/1625.[RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, Charles I, 1625-1632, London, 1900, 1625, p1.]

1625:  Charles I appointed Francis, Lord Aungier, Baron of Longford, as Master of the Rolls in the manner of Sir Anthony St Leger, with authority to hear all causes and quarrels in the absence of the Lord Chancellor, 16/4/1625. [James Morrin, (ed), Calendar of the Patent Rolls Ireland, Charles I, 1863, p2.]

1625:  Nicholas White (2nd?) is mentioned as Secretary to the Lord Deputy in a document of 16/8/1625. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, Charles I, 1625-1632, London, 1900, 16/8/1625, p30.]

1625:  A manuscript entitled ‘The Irish Monarchy’ contains a chronology of the monarchs of Ireland from Slanius, whose reign began 2481 AM, to Roderick III, surnamed Concobar, 1162 AD, and the coming of the English under King Henry II. It was “compiled from the works of Dr [Geoffrey] Keating and John Colgan and contains the relation of a variety of outrageous and remarkable acts attributed to the several sovereigns”. . [CW Russell and JP Prendergast (eds), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, James I, 1615-1625, London, 1880, 1625, p610].

1625:  Nicholas and William Eustace signed a Memorandum of the Lords of the Pale in answer to the King’s demands for money.  They were in an annex of ‘gentlemen’ who signed it. Nicholas is probably he of Confey and William is of Castlemartin. See c1627.  [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, Charles I, 1625-1632, London, 1900, 1625, p70.]

1626:  Petition of John Woogan [=Wogan] showing that he is a native of Ireland of Welsh extraction, a Protestant and the late King gave him a pension of 18d/day. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, Charles I, 1625-1632, London, 1900, 21/6/1626, p134.]

1626:  The Irish Commissioners report on Nicholas White’s petition for a pension; it was favourably received and considered just. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, Charles I, 1625-1632, London, 1900, 5/7/1626, p138.]

1626:  Charles I wrote to Lord Faulkland on 8/7/1626 ordering that Mr Nicholas White, whose father was killed in the Crown’s service, and who himself served it, should be paid his pension. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, Charles I, 1625-1632, London, 1900, 8/7/1626, p140.] There’s a record of his pension being set at 4s a day and of his arrears to be paid him [opus cit, 13/7/1626, p145].

1626:  Lord Faulkland wrote to Lord Conway to thank him “for the lucrative post found for my Secretary Nicholas Whyte [White]”.  [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, Charles I, 1625-1632, London, 1900, 5/10/1626, p161.]

1627:  Pardon of an alienation made by Sir Thos Allen, of St Wolstan’s, otherwise Allenscourt, in the county of Kildare, of the manor of St Wolstan’s, Donacomper, Parsonstowne, Reives, Priorstown, and other lands, and of the advowsons of Donacomper, Killadowan, and Donaghmore, to Nicholas Preston and others.  Dated 6/3/1627. [James Morrin, (ed), Calendar of the Patent and Close Rolls of Chancery in Ireland of the Reign of Charles I, 1st to 8th years incl., Dublin 1863, p241.]

1627:  Daniel Molyneaux, Ulster King of Arms and Principal Herald of Ireland, complained to king Charles I about abuses concerning arms and armory and issued instruction.. Dated 7/4/1627. [James Morrin, (ed), Calendar of the Patent and Close Rolls of Chancery in Ireland of the Reign of Charles I, 1st to 8th years incl., Dublin 1863, p207-9.]

1627:  A List of Commissioners to the Counties of Ireland, published before 16/7/1627, presumably for raising money for the Army  -  includes in co Kildare: Sir Nicholas White; William Eustace, Esq, of Castlemarten. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, Charles I, 1625-1632, London, 1900, 1627, p70.]

1627:  Grant to Maurice Eustace, of several rectories, tithes, lands, and hereditaments in the counties of Kildare, Catherlogh, Wexford and Dublin: to be held for ever of his Majesty, as of his Castle of Dublin, in free and common soccage [= paying rent]. Dated 18/7/1627. [James Morrin, (ed), Calendar of the Patent and Close Rolls of Chancery in Ireland of the Reign of Charles I, 1st to 8th years incl, Dublin 1863, p251.]

1628:   A formal request from the people of Ireland to the King includes the following: the Church charges 13s 4d, 10s and 6s 8d respectively for every christening, marriage and funeral. This charge the poor husbandman, by whose labour the gentry live, cannot pay and is often compelled to go begging. The clergy then get warrants from the Lord Deputy and pursue their victims… This is confiscation by the Church. The answer includes: the clergy should not be allowed to keep private prisons for these purposes etc. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, Charles I, 1625-1632, London, 1900, 1628, p337-8.]

1628:   By an indenture dated 27/5/1628 Thomas Fitzgerald transferred a lease to Sir Nicholas White for the remainder of a 41-year lease which commenced in 1611 after the expiration of Laurence Grenan's [?] lease, at a rent of £30 per annum. The lease was of the castle farm and tenements of 60 acres in the town and fields of Leixlip, which are situated in the County of Dublin, with a water-mill on the River Lyffye [sic]. [PRONI D'3078/1/10; MIC 541/6]

1628:  Indenture made the 13/6/1628 between Nicholas Viscount Nettervile of Dowth [co Meath] and Cary Connor [son of Leysagh Connor] of Leixlip in the co of Kildare, gent. Cary Connor hath acknowledged unto the Viscount one recognizance [=bond with court to ensure compliance] of the staple of £800 stg before Walter Ussher mayor of the staple in the city of Dublin, Robert Arthur, Francis Dowd, constables of the said Staple, bearing date with these presents as my the said recognizance of the said Staple more at large may appear as is now consented and agreed upon between the parties. And the said Nicholas Netterville for himself.. doth covenant and grant to the said Cary Connor.. that if the said Viscount shall and may peaceably hold, possess and enjoy the manor of Blackcastle, co Meath etc. Signed Netterville, and witnessed by 3 other Nettervilles. [D3708, NLI; summarised in Calendar of Ormond Deeds, prepared for the Mss Department, NLI by T Blake Butler, p187.] Further information in text of indenture.

c1628:  Richard and Reginald Hadsor, servants of the King, mentioned in the King’s orders about access to documents etc. [James Morrin, (ed), Calendar of the Patent and Close Rolls of Chancery in Ireland of the Reign of Charles I, 1st to 8th years incl., Dublin 1863.]Could this family name be the source of ‘Headsor House’ [sic] at Blakestown, said to be the former home of the land steward at Carton demesne?

c.1629: Geoffrey Keating (c1570-1649) described the northern boundary of Co Kildare with Co Meath as running ‘from Dublin to the Abhainn Righe [the River Rye that enters the Liffey at Leixlip after flowing through Kilcock, Maynooth and Carton] westward to Cluain Conrach [Cloncurry] (and on to) the Ford of the French Mill --- to Clonard … to the Tocher of Carbury  .. to the Crannoch Geishille (Geashill).’ [Foras Feasa ar Eirinn, written 1629-1630, Vol 1, translated by D Comyn, 1902.]

1629:  Daniel Molineux [sic] surrendered his appointment as Ulster King of Arms and Principal Herald of Ireland, which he received from Elizabeth I (granted in the 39th year of her reign), on 28/6/1629. [James Mollin, (ed), Calendar of the Patent Rolls, Ireland, Charles I, 1863, p448.] Any connection with Molyneux of Leixlip iron mills?

1630:  By letter dated 23/9/1630 Lord Wilmot wrote from Dublin to Lord Dorchester supporting Sir Nicholas White -“the bearer is the son of a worthy father that served Queen Elizabeth all his lifetime and died a Councillor of State here. The son bought lands in Ormond before there was any notion of a plantation there and wants them..” etc. “If this is done he will probably be as useful a servant of the King as anybody in the matter of the Ormond plantation.” [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, Charles I, 1625-1632, London, 1900, 23/9/1630, p580.]

1630:  Archbishop Bulkeley’s Visitation of the churches of the diocese of Dublin took place this year, in the reign of Charles I (reigned 1625-1649). The questions and answers sought were similar to those of the visitation of 1615. Only about 44 churches were found to be decently covered, compared to 123 ‘in repair’, and 11 others tolerable, in 1615. Yet tithes were collected in 143 parishes against 148 in 1615. Lands belonging to the crown which had been confiscated after the suppression of religious houses before 1536 were leased by the crown and called ‘impropriate’; nearly half of the parishes were of this category and in most cases the farmers of the tithes were Roman Catholics, who were often reported as ‘the abettors and maintainers of friars and priests and hath mass said in their houses’.
The tithe revenue of the Leixlip Deanery amounted to £154, less than half the next smallest of all the diocese’s deaneries and or c3% of the total for the diocese. Of the £154, £43 (28%) was paid out in stipends for the vicars and curates of the deanery. In the Archbishop’s report is written that Thomas Keatinge, clerk, is the vicar at Lucan, and there are not more than 5 in the parish that come to church. His means there, as certified, is not more than £4 per annum. Moreover, his wife is a recusant [RC]. While the church is in good repair, the chancel is ruinous. The rectory is impropriate, worth besides the king’s rent, £10 per annum. At Aderge, the church needs repair, and all the parishioners are recusants. The tithes belong to St Patrick’s Cathedral. Robert Jones is the curate. At Leixlipe, the church and chancel are ruinous. The tithes are impropriate, of which Mr Gerrott Whyte is the farmer and Thomas Keatinge is the curate. All of the parishioners except one or two families are recusants. For serving the cure he has £4 p.a. In contrast, the church and chancel at Confie are in good repair. The tythes are impropriate and are held by Mr Fagan of Feltrim. Keatinge is again the curate and receives £4 p.a. for this service. All the parishioners are recusants. At Donaghcumper the church and chancel are in reasonably good condition. The tithes, impropriate, are held by Mr Allen of St Wolstan’s and Mr Keatinge is again the curate. At Laraghbrine the church was in good repair, but the roof of the chancel is uncovered. The tithes, belonging to Mr John Parker, prebend of Maynooth, are worth £100 per annum. Thomas Keatinge is vicar there, the same being worth £10 p.a. All the parishioners are recusants. At Straffan, the body of the church is ruinous; the chancel is well covered, but wants glazing and necessary ornaments. The tithes, worth £36 p.a., are impropriate and belong to Mr James Duffe of Dublin, merchant. Edward Pierse [=Persse?], clerk, is vicar there and the vicarage is worth £12 p.a. There are not above 10 persons that frequent divine service in that parish. Teaghtoe, Kildroght and Killadowan [sic] seem to have become extinct, as no report is recorded for each of them. But perhaps they were not surveyed. There is no mention of Donoghmore near Maynooth. [Archivium Hibernicum, Vol VIII, Maynooth, 1941]

A translation of the Protestant Archbishop Laurence Bulkeley’s report is in ‘The Irish Ecclesiastical Record’, Vol 5, Jan 1869, p145-166. The survey was carried out after Bulkeley was allegedly insulted by the people attending Cooke Street chapel, with the royal authority ordering the confiscating to the state of all the houses employed for Catholic purposes through the kingdom. Many of the houses remained unsuppressed and mass continued to be held in private houses, often in those of the collectors of the tithes of the parish. In 1583 families who were members of the Reformed Churches of the Low Countries (Holland etc) were planted, eg, in Swords, but by the survey of 1630 most had become ‘recusants’. [Report, opus cit, p146] The information for the Leixlip deanery area is disappointing for its skimpiness compared to other areas. There is no reference to any Catholic priests or mass houses, or schools.  Confey church was in good repair, the tithes being held by Mr Fagan of Feltrim.  [John] Fagan of Feltrim was also the farmer of tithes of Mounctowne [Monkstown?] and Kilossery, which were in good repair and with a roof requiring a little repair respectively.    It seems as if Mr Fagan has been maintaining these churches, like Confey, out of his farmed income. Invariably where a church was out of repair, it was most often the chancel which was roofless, suggesting vandalism by the recusants?
 [For details of the Catholic family, the Fagans of Feltrim, see John Kingston, ‘Catholic Families of the Pale’ in Reportorium Novum, Vol 2, No 1, 1958, p 103-6.]  Richard Fagan was High Sheriff of Dublin in 1587 with a good reputation for charitable works, keeping three or four hospitals for prisoners at Newgate and the Castle. He died in 1610 and his son John Fagan was confirmed in his estate by (royal) patent the following year. John was succeeded by his grandson, Christopher Fagan, who married Ann White of Leixlip in 1636. All his lands were confiscated in the Cromwellian era and he was transplanted to Connaught. He was subsequently restored to his estates in 1670 as no act of war could be proved against him and he died at Feltrim in 1682. After the Williamite war Christopher’s son, Richard, who inherited the Feltrim and other properties was ejected to make room for the Adventurers who funded the war. One of Richard’s daughters married John Eustace of Confey.                      

1631:  Pardon of two alienations of lands in the counties of Meath, Dublin, Kildare and Drogheda, made by Sir Gerald Aylmer and others to Jenico, late Viscount Gormanstown, and by the said Jenico to Nicholas, Viscount Netterville, and others. Dated 14/3/1631. [James Morrin, (ed), Calendar of the Patent and Close Rolls of Chancery in Ireland of the Reign of Charles I, 1st to 8th years incl., Dublin 1863, p574.]

1632:  A list of all the Papist priests in the London Plantation cites 24 in all. Fees received by them: 2s for every married couple, etc.; also fees for churning butter, marriages, christenings, extreme unction, mortuaries and burials. In all they receive £1000, whereas the King only gets £855 17s from the plantation. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, Charles I, 1625-1632, London, 1900, 2/1/1632, p643.]

1632:  Rev. Thomas Keating was the Vicar of Lucan; his death with original will was recorded this year [Deputy Keeper, 26th Report].

1634:  c August, 1634 a Draft Declaration of Irish Church bishops etc asserted: We will do our best to procure the building of every parish church.  Where we can not do this ourselves, we will get the Lord Deputy’s help, “by whose honourable care and particular direction above the number of 100 church in the counties, Dublin,.. Kildare [& 7 others] are already builded and repaired”. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1647-1660, London, 1903, c8/1634, p189.]

1635: Archdeacon William Bulkely, son of Archbishop Bulkely [aka Bulkelly, Bulkeley, aka Buckley], built Oldbawn House, Tallaght. [Patrick Healy, All Roads Lead to Tallaght, Dublin, 2004, p77-8]. The house was extensively damaged during the insurrection of 1641. He died in 1671 and was succeeded by his son, Sir Richard Bulkely. He died in 1685 and the place passed to his son and namesake. The latter lived mostly in England and died in 1721. His Oldbawn property passed to a son of his second wife, named Tynte, who married a granddaughter of Sir Richard Bulkely. The Bulkely family had property at what is now Buckley’s Lane, Leixlip, according to a map of 1793 made of Leixlip Demesne. See 1793.

1639:  The will of John Coppinger, priest, Leixlip, was proved in the Prerogative Court this year. He was a Jesuit. [Sir Arthur Vicars, Index to the Prerogative Wills of Ireland 1536-1810, 1897.]

1640:  A private Act of parliament of 1640 secured for Archbishop Lancelot Bulkeley [aka Buckley, later] estates and lands in counties Dublin, Wicklow and Kildare. He died at Tallaght, 8/9/1650, aged 81. [John d’Alton, History of the Archbishops of Dublin, Dublin, 1888.]

1640:  RS Simington (ed), The Civil Survey of Tipperary, Historical Manuscripts Commission, Dublin, records that Sir Nicholas White, Master of the Rolls, of Leixlip, held 572 acres, Plantation measure, in the barony of Lower Ormond this year. Dermot F Gleeson, writing of ‘The Ormond Freeholders of the Civil Survey’, JRSAI, Vol 66, 1926, p131-53, notes that a plantation on the lines of those in Leix and Offaly was projected but never took place. White purchased his lands there ‘long before the rebellion [of 1641], and.. he must be considered to have been a typical adventurer and projector’, i.e. a person entrusted with planting the lands with English settlers and supervising the estate he acquired.

1640:  Matthew Alen, aka Allen, who had lands at Palmerstown, Co Dublin, mortgaged them in favour of Arthur White of Leixlip by deed dated 20/1/1640 for a term of 99 years. [Brian C Donovan & David Edwards, British Sources for Irish History 1485-1641, p83, Irish Manuscripts Commission, 1997.] Arthur died and bequeathed the mortgages to his elder brother, Nicholas, who later established his right to them. [Nessa O’Connor, Palmerstown – An Ancient Place, Dublin, 2003, p103.]

c1641:  General Preston camped at St Catherine’s and Owen Roe O’Neill’s at Newcastle, with Cardinal Runcinni travelling (in vain) between the two to secure an agreement - unattributed report in a newspaper piece of 27/6/1903, possibly in Evening Telegraph article, entitled ‘In the valley of the Liffey’, has a sketch of lodge at St Catherine’s.[RD Walshe, Cuttings and Notes, Lucan and Leixlip, 20th c, MS 11658 NLI.]

1641:  The Book of Survey and Distribution [part reproduced in JKAS, Vol X, 1922-28, p197-197-199] includes proprietors’ names of lands in 1641 after the Civil Survey was carried out, together with the particulars of the lands and persons to whom given on the Cromwellian Settlement c1659. For example, James Eustace of Confey, Irish Papist, had Confey and Newtown, which was given to Margaret Plunkett and Thomas Eustace by Cromwell.

c1641: CL Adams, ‘The Castles of Ireland’ - Leixlip, in The Irish Times, of probably 8/6/1901, reports that Sir Nicholas Whyte held the manor of Leixlip upon the breaking out of hostilities in 1641. In the company of Lord Dunsany, Patrick Barnwall, Sir Andrew Aylmer, and other chief men of the Pale, he surrendered himself to the Lords Justice Parsons and Borlace in obedience to the King’s proclamation to show that they had no part in the rebellion, but they were imprisoned in Dublin Castle and most inhumanly treated. 

A Capt Wm Tucker recorded in his diary going from Dublin to Naas in this year with the Marquis of Ormond and sleeping the night at Leixlip Castle. He mentioned that the owner, Sir Nicholas Whyte, was at that time a prisoner in Dublin. [The source, Miss Adams, lists a collection of sources in her article, which is in Walshe’s Clippings on Leixlip, NLI.] 

1642:   A record of a receipt, dated 24/4/1642, for £100 paid by William Lambert, yeoman, of Surrey, for his Irish ‘adventure’. .[RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, Adventurers in Ireland, 1642-1659, London, 1903, 24/4/1642, p44.]Note Lambert family in Leixlip in Easton House until 1980s

1643:  A share in an ‘adventure’ was assigned to Roger Lambert, London, citizen and linen draper, for £60, recorded 10/6/1643.
Note Lambert family in Leixlip in Easton House until 1980s. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, Adventurers in Ireland, 1642-1659, London, 1903, 10/6/1643, p107.]

<1646: An ancient bridge over the Liffey at the Salmon Leap, Leixlip, was carried away by a great flood some time before this year, when the Confederate Catholics, under Owen Roe O’Neill, broke up their camp and retired to Meath, and the troops had to construct a temporary bridge of timber to enable them to cross. Only one arch stood until recent times, as can be seen in the photographs of c1900 by John Valentine, etc. It is now submerged behind Leixlip dam. [Archdeacon Sherlock, ‘Some Notes on the Fords and Bridges over the River Liffey’, JKAS, Vol VI, No 4, July, 1910, p293-305.] General Preston made Leixlip Castle his headquarters, 1646. Preston was accompanied by the King’s secretary, Digby. Altogether there were 16,000 foot soldiers and 1,600 men on horses. He is said to have burned mills and crops and destroyed bridges. [Padraic O’Farrell, A History of County Kildare, Dublin, 2003, p50.]

1646:  The Council and Congregation of the Confederate Catholics (mostly the former, as the document is signed by several bishops and the Apostolic Nuncio) on the 15/11/1646, writing from Sigginstown, directed General Preston to send out parties to burn all the corn and grain stored on the Liffey downwards to Dublin, and from Dublin to Drogheda. The Council are unwilling to take this step, but the corn may fall into the enemy’s hands. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1647-1660, London, 1903, 1646, p540-1.]

1646:  Charles I, by letters dated 18/12/1646, granted to Thomas and Alexander Eustace the office or offices of Clerk of the Crown in cos Kildare and others for their lives. Alexander, who outlived Thomas, surrender these office and Charles II by his letters of 29/7/1667 intended that Wm Powell should have them. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1666-1669, London, 1908, 25/9/1669, p646.]

c1647:  Sir John Bath recommended Sir Nicholas White as a Captain of horse - “a man of fair estate in the English Pale”. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1647-1660, London, 1903, c1647, p100.]

1647:  Walsingham, writing on 16/6/1647 from Leixlip, asked General [Thomas?] Preston to march to Naas and Maynooth, to take them in if it be possible. “Press as much as you can, so you come not near Dublin, which you must take care to avoid, lest you spoil the whole business in hand. Be very secret in having any advice from hence, and be sure to conceal from all men. Your most faithful, humble servant, Walsingham”. .” [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1647-1660, London, 1903, 16/6/1647, p6797]

1647:  A letter, source unknown, to Luke Whyte [White] at Waterford, and dated 5/8/1647: “Touching the removal from hence, our opinions.. is to march towards Minuth [Maynooth], Leslip [Leixlip], and Literelstonne [Lutrellstown], and them at all times to have to for our security and retiration, [sic] likewise for the safety of the provinces and the  places lately gained from the enemy, to be at all times in readiness to spoil all the enemy’s quarters, from Tredath [Drogheda] to Dublin, and thence to Wicklow; to keep our quarters free from hostile incursion and, at the least occasion offered us to set on Dublin, at least to hinder their market there at Tredath and Trim, so that in a short these places will fall of themselves. Besides we may at discretion, according as occasion offer, fight with our enemy.” [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1647-1660, London, 1903, 5/8/1647, p740.]

1647-48:  A letter was to be sent to Inchiquin and Jones for recovering by exchange Archibald, Donald and Duncan and any other Campbells who are now prisoners at Kilkenny. .” [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1647-1660, London, 1903, 1647-8, p769.]

1648:  On 8/6/1648, a government order issued from Westminster seeking the accounts for the Irish service of Captain Thomas Harley, among others. Officers and soldiers who served in Ireland were rewarded with grants of the lands of deportees, or transportees to Connaught .The Hartley name owned a good deal of land in along the N4 road to Mullingar and land around Leixlip, including the lands of Confey Abbey and cemetery as recently as 1900. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1647-1660, London, 1903, 8/6/1648, p18.] See 1656.

1648:  Orders of the Commissioners of both Houses for Irish Affairs at Westminster included a letter dated 24/8/1648 written by Colonel Jones, recommending that Sir Robert Knight enjoy St Katherine’s in Dublin, leased to him by Sir Nicholas White and two of his sons. [RP Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State papers relating to Ireland, 1647-1660, London, 1903, 24/8/1648, p26.]

LEIXLIP CHRONOLOGY 1588 1599 AD

LEIXLIP CHRONOLOGY 1588 - 1599 AD

Compiled by

JOHN COLGAN

1588:  Livery granted to John, son and heir of Nicholas Ewstace, late of Confynn [sic], co Kildare, gent. Fine £7. [Fiant No 5192, Elizabeth I, dated 18/6/1588, cited in The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol II, Dublin 1994].

1588:  On 27/9/1588 Sir N White wrote to Lord Burghley from St Katherine’s, sending the letter via his son, stating that he was to be brought up in Cambridge where his brother was. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1588-1592, London, 1867, 27/9/1588, p44].

1588:  By letter of 27/10/1588 Sir Lucan Dillon wrote to Walsyngham noting that his reconciliation with Sir N White was effected by Sir J Perrott. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1588-1592, London, 1867, 27/10/1588, p65]

1588:  By letter of 31/12/1588 Sir Nicholas White wrote to Burghley from Leixlip in favour of his nephew, the bearer, Lumbard, to payment and a license [sic] to trade beyond the seas. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1588-1592, London, 1867, 31/12/1588, p100]

1588-9:  On 1/1/1588-9 the Lord Deputy, Sir W Fytzwilliam, wrote from Dublin Castle to Burghley.  .. A general thanksgiving throughout the land for the delivery of Her majesty, her people and kingdoms from the Spanish attempt. Enclosed: Nicholas White to his father, Mr John White of Dublin, merchant. Thomas Kename reports that 500 Spaniards were conveyed into Scotland and well received. The King of Scots hath caused shipping to be prepared towards the conveying of them into Spain. His cousin, Wm Usscher, Strangford. Nov. 26, [1588]. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1588-1592, London, 1867, 1/1/1588-9, p105].

1589:  On 30/4/1589 a warrant was issued from the Lord Deputy at Dublin Castle to Thomas Waddinge and Robert Walshe FitzJames of Waterford, as it appertaineth to the Sheriff, touching the arrearages of St Katherine’s and the Abbey of Mothell. [May have been dated 21/11/1589.] [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1588-1592, London, 1867, 30/4/1589, p159]

1589:  Sir N White wrote to Burghley on 28/10/1589 proffering intelligence and looking for a grant of one of his houses. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1588-1592, London, 1867, 30/4/1589, p255-6]
 
1589:  On 18/11/1589, Sir N White, Master of the Rolls, wrote to Burghley stating that he, White, would not like to be displaced from the constableship of Duncannon on the grounds of mistrust. The new fortification made on his land, and his chief house is close by. It would grieve him if the constableship were given to another. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland,
Elizabeth 1588-1592, London, 1867, 30/4/1589, p263]

1589:  As a sequel to the above of 30/4/1589, an order was made by the barons of the Exchequer on 21/11/1589 in the controversy between Richard Ailward [=Aylward], gent and Ellice Butler, widow of John Sherlock, concerning the arrearages of Her Majesty’s rents for the Abbies [sic] of St Catharines and Mothell.  Ailward was discharged and Ellice Butler declared liable for the arrears. A copy of the above paper was attached. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1588-1592, London, 1867, 21/11/1589, p266]

1589:  On 21/11/1589, Ellese Butler, alias Sherlock, petitioned Burghley for a warrant for the perfecting of a lease of so much of the Abbies of St Catharine’s and Mothill as are demised to her and her father-in-law, Patrick Sherlock. This is followed by a very similar petition: On 21/11/1589, Ellese Butler, alias Sherlock, petitioned Burghley for a warrant from her Majesty for the perfecting of a lease in Ireland, for fifty or sixty years of so much of the Abbeys of St Catharine’s and Mothill as are demised to her and her father-in-law. She (a widow) also petitioned Lord Burghley for letters to the Lord Deputy to cause Richard Ailward to pay arrearages of the rents of St Katharine’s and Mothill, and for a lease to her and her two sons of St Katharine’s and Mothill. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1588-1592, London, 1867, 21/11/1589, p266-267.] Does this St Catharine’s relate to Waterford or Wexford, and not Leixlip? Almost certainly not Leixlip.

1589-90:  On 31/1/1589-90 Sir Nicholas White sent secret intelligence from Dublin by his son Andrew to Sir John Perrott [perceived to be a communication from the King of Spain, perhaps?] [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1588-1592, London, 1867, 31/1/1589-90, p302]

1589-90:  On 20/3/1589-90 the Privy Council wrote from Greenwich to the Bishops of Meath and Leighlin, Sir Lucas Dillon, Sir N White, Sir Ed Moore, Sir Ed Waterhouse, Justice Walshe and Charles Cakthorpe, appointing them commissioner to examine Sir Dennis O’Rowghan, priest, who, with Henry Bride had been formerly condemned in the Castle Chamber for counterfeiting Sir John Perrot’s hand to a certain letter purporting to be addressed to the King of Spain, importing a foul and disloyal intent. Also as to his forging the said Sir John Perrot’s signature to three warrants whilst he was governor in Ireland, containing also very bad matter. It is to be noted that that although copies of these two despatches are dated March 17th and May 2nd, yet Fytzwylliam writing on the 12th of May 1590 to the Privy Council says their letters of 20th March last concerning Sir Dennis Rowghane came to his hands on the 15th of April, and that he delivered the priest to the commissioners on Tuesday after Easter-day, which was Tuesday, 21st April. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1588-1592, London, 1867, 20/3/1589-90, p322]

1590:  On 15/5/1590 Sir N White wrote from Dublin to Burghley. His present extremity of sickness. The private conference he had with the priest Sir Dennis Roughane [= Rowan?] who bemoaned how he was betrayed by the Lord Deputy and the constable of the castle, who had taken away letters of Feagh McHugh, the prince of Parma etc. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1588-1592, London, 1867, 12/5/1590,343]

1590:  Document dated 2/6/1590 in which Sir John Perrot gave his opinion upon the book [of evidence?] agreed upon by the Earl of Tirone. He reckoned that Ireland was the most unfortunate soil of the world. He never knew a good Governor who sincerely served there but he was stung, maligned or bitten by some means. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1588-1592, London, 1867, 2/6/1590, p350]

1590:  Memos of 2/6/1590 for Sir William Fytzwylliam, Lord Deputy of Ireland, touching the affairs of Sir Dennis Roughane; and to certify for what cause Edmund Kavenaghe was condemned and executed, who was only privy to Sir Dennis’s escape, while Sir Dennis that did break the prison was pardoned. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1588-1592, London, 1867, 2/6/1590, p350]

1590:  On 10/6/1590 the Privy Council [wrote] to the Lord Deputy and Lord Chancellor for examination of sundry persons upon Sir Dennis Rowghan’s accusation [written by Burghley]. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1588-1592, London, 1867, 10/6/1590, p350]

1590:  A record dated 10/6/1590 with the names of 46 persons to be examined in Ireland touching the disclosures of Sir Denis O’Roughan. Also the names of such persons as are to be sent over out of Ireland by command, viz:- The Bishop of Leighlin, Sir Nicholas White, Philip, gaoler under Colley, Rice Ap Hugh priest, Malachias O’Molony, Margaret Leonard (wife to Sir Denis Roughan). Persons to be brought out of Ireland as prisoner: - Sir Conaugh McNamara, Teig O’Kelley, Stephen Segar. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1588-1592, London, 1867, 10/6/1590, p350]

On 28/7/1590 the Lord Deputy wrote to Burghley, sending Sir Dennis’s book [of evidence?] which he wants back… Sir Nicholas White’s son not to be suffered to approach the Queen. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1588-1592, London, 1867, 28/7/1590,p357.]

1590:  A note, undated, of the contrarieties, viz. of the examinations of R. Meredyth, Bishop of Laughleyne, Sir Nicholas White, and Richard Galway, touching the imprisonment and treatment of Sir Denis Roughan, the priest who delivered to the Lord Deputy Fytzwylliam, the so-called letter form Perrot to Philip II of Spain (in which he offered to get Philip II England and Ireland in exchange for Wales!) [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1588-1592, London, 1867, 1590, p382; the letter referred to is on p306.]

1590:  On 30/6/1590 Sir N White wrote from Dublin to Burghley [Lord Burghley = Sir William Cecil] stating that the bad priest, Roughane, hath told may malicious tales of the Commissioners to the Lord Deputy. Sir Nicholas is under restraint, which is dangerous for his health. Prays that he may have license to repair to the country. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1588-1592, London, 1867, 30/6/1590, p354.]

1590:  On 11/8/1590 Lord Burghley wrote to Sir N White from Oatlands in answer to his of 3rd August. He assured him of his favourable opinion, notwithstanding the accusations of the priest, Roughane. It is doubtful if this letter was sent; perhaps Fytwylliam’s to Burghey against Sir Nicholas may have caused him to withhold this. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1588-1592, London, 1867, 1590, p382; the letter referred to is on p360.]

1590:  On 21/9/1590 the Lord Deputy, Archbishop of Dublin and Bishop of Meath wrote to the Lords Chancellor and Treasurer from Kilmainham. Having endeavoured to throw light on the obscurities of Walter Farranan’s declaration or detection, the Baron Devlin and the rest of the Nugents are doubtful. Bishop Brady is safe. The son of the Master of the Rolls, Andrew White, is a most dangerous papist and should be kept in England. Enclosed was an explanation of Walter Farranan’s detection, etc., concerning the disaffection in the Pale.. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1588-1592, London, 1867, 21/9/1590, p364]

1590:  On 22.9.1590, the Chancellor Archbishop wrote to Burghley:

“I have seen your letter lamenting the corruption of Ireland in the matter of religion, and urging a speedy remedy.  Albeit there hath been in this people a general disposition to popery as to a thing wherein they are nursled even from their cradles, yet this general recusancy is but of six years’ continuance at the most, and began in the second year of Sir John Perrott’s government, in the beginning of the parliament holden by him, before which time there were not in the Pale the number of 12 recusant gentlemen of account, but since they have grown to such obstinacy and boldness that it is to be feared if some speedy remedy be not provided, upon pretence of religion they will shake off all duty and obedience. Before that time they were restrained by the ecclesiastical commission, and howsoever they showed great duty and obedience in resorting to service, sermons, and in receiving of the communion. In the beginning of the parliament Sir Nicholas White, in the name of his countrymen, moved Sir John Perrott, before the most of this Council, to permit people to have the liberty of their consciences and the free use of their religion, assuring Sir John that, granting that unto them, they would not only condescend to the repeal of the Poynings Act, but to any other reasonable motion which should be propounded in the parliament. His good success with the Lord deputy at that time moved another of his country, one Edward Nugent, a lawyer, to come into the lower house with a ‘premeditate’ speech in defence of the mass and Romish religion. By these encouragements and bad example of some persons of credit in this State, this people hath ever since grown to wonderful obstinacy and utter detestation of our religion. When we, the Bishops of Dublin, Meath, and a few others well affected, convented before us the principal gentlemen and ringleaders in this cause, seeking to draw them to better conformity, we were forbidden by the then Lord Deputy to deal with them, saying that this people were not to be dealt with for matters of religion, and presently this was bruited throughout the Pale, and now they can hardly be reclaimed. The example of Sir Lucas Dillon doth great hurt, who, although a most grave and wise councillor, and of great experience in this state, yet his notorious recusancy and wilful absenting himself from the church these three or four years past is a means to draw the greatest number into that corruption wherein they live. Sir Lucas’s son-in-law, Rochfort, is a most malicious and dangerous instrument against this religion and government. The sword alone without the Word is not sufficient, but unless they be forced they will not once come to hear the Word preached, as we observed at the thanksgiving for the good success against the Spaniards. For in Dublin itself the lawyers, in term time, took occasion to leave the town of purpose to absent themselves from that godly exercise. It is a bootless labour for any man to preach in the country out of Dublin for want of hearers.  But things may be remedied without any danger, and with great gain to Her Majesty, if the Ecclesiastical Commission be restored and put in ure, and liberty be left to myself and such commissioners as are well affected in religion to imprison and fine and send over into England such as are obstinate. There is no fear this severe course will breed any stirs, as these people are but beggars, and if once they perceive a thorough resolution to deal roundly with them, they will conform, themselves. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1588-1592, London, 1867, 22/9/1590, p365-6]

1590:  On 24/9/1590 the Lord Deputy, wrote from Kilmainham to Burghley, expressing his wish that Sir John Perrot, the Bishop of Leighlin, Sir Nicholas White, and the rest may get their just deserts. He noted that the Lord Chancellor and the Bishop of Meath are very timorous of their lives should their advertisements be revealed to any of the Irish. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1588-1592, London, 1867, 24/9/1590, p366]

1590:  On 27/12/1590 Sir John Popham and Thomas Egerton wrote to the Lord Chancellor Hatton from Popham’s house, stating the after the examination of Sir Nicholas White upon the articles exhibited against him by Mr Captain Ley, Sir Nicholas standeth upon the denial of every material point laid to his charge (written in Popham’s hand). . HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1588-1592, London, 1867, 27/12/1590, p377]

1591:  The Lord Deputy wrote on 13/5/1591 to Burghley from Dublin, indicating that Sir N White’s wife will have liberty to send him money. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1588-1592, London, 1867, 13/5/1591, p393]

1591:  On 17/8/1591, the Lord Deputy wrote from Kilmainham to Burghley, [acknowledging] receipt of the letters in behalf of Mrs Ellice Butler, with her answers to certain points touching the lease of Saint Katherines. Richard Ailward’s grief that Burghley should conceive hardly of him and his dealings in the trust reposed in him by old Mr Sherlock. He was about to deal with the said Richard Ailwarde, according to your Lordship’s instructions, but on receipt of his petition enclosed, forbore further proceedings. Incloses a petition of Richard Ailwarde, of Waterford, gent., to the Lord Deputy, touching the slanderous and uncharitable informations declared to Lord Burghley by Mrs Ellis Butler and some other on her behalf, prays that a hearing may be granted him by Lord Burghley, to whose final order he will humbly submit himself. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1588-1592, London, 1867, 17/8/1591, p415]

1591:  On 26/10/1591 the Lord Deputy wrote from Dublin Castle to Burghley, noting the discovery of a Bull lately received from Rome foreshowing some perilous conspiracy. William Nugent, now in England, and Andrew White, likewise in England, are special ringleaders in all Romish and Spanish actions. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1588-1592, London, 1867, 26/10/1591, p431.]

1591:   A collection in Burghley’s hand of the material points against Sir John Perrot. The whole is dated 15/11/1591. The following are attributions to Sir Nicholas White of him: “His vile words of the Queen’s sword, calling it a paltry sword” and “His like evil words that Her Highness’s fear hindered his service in the north”. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1588-1592, London, 1867, 15/11/1591, p439.]

1591:  Commission to Sir Rob. Gardener, chief justice, Sir Rob. Dillon, chief justice of the common pleas, Nich Walshe, second justice of the Chief Place, John Allen, of S. Wolstanes, esq., George Dormor, justice of the co Wexford, and Rich Netterfield, of Kilsaghan, esq., to examine witnesses concerning the title to the possessions of the manor or abbey of Dunbrodye, where there is a controversy depending before the privy council in England between John Itchingham and sir Nicholas Whitt, knt. [Fiant No 5684, dated 27/11/1591, The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol III, Dublin 1994].

1591:  On 3/12/1591 Thomas Earl of Ormond wrote to Burghley, on behalf of his niece, Mrs Ellice (Alicia) Butler. The Lord Deputy refuses to return any answer to Burghley’s order in her behalf. Her adversary, Richard Aylward, has made use of the authority of his office to prevent the tenants from payment of her rents of Mothill and St Catherine’s. Prays that Lovell’s pension be stayed that the he be no more a justice of the peace. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1588-1592, London, 1867, 3/12/1591, p441]

1591:  On 23/12/1591 Sir John Perrot wrote to Burghley from the Tower (of London) complaining of his memory being affected by imprisonment. . [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1588-1592, London, 1867, 23/12/1591,
p446.]

1591?:  A record of persons imprisoned for Sir John Perrot’s cause, viz. including Sir Nicholas White, William Lombard, Thomas Clynton, Leonard Walker etc. . [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1588-1592, London, 1867,  no date but believed to be 1591, p451]

1591:  In a document entitled ‘Notes on the provinces of Leinster and Meath’ is noted, for Co Kildare: Towns of name:- Kildare, Nase [=Naas], Athy, Castle Dermod. The men of name and power are: The Earl of Kildare, Viscount Baltinglass, Sir Maurice Fitzgerald with a number of the Geraldines’ gentlemen; John Eustace and a number of gentlemen of that name - his chief house is Castlemartin.  Also the following gentlemen: the Ougans, the Suttons, the Ailemers, the Allens, the Boyles, the Whites, the Walshes and the Harberts”. . [Robert Pentland Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1601-3, (with Addenda 1565-1654), London, 1912, 1591, p597.]

Note that there is no town in North Kildare worthy of the name. Yet the Suttons, Aylmers, Alens, Whites, and Walshes were all of North Kildare; the Earl of Kildare was at Maynooth castle, and a Eustace was at Confey Castle. Perhaps the explanation is that all of North Kildare was within the English pale and may not have been considered for this purpose?

c1591:  Chantry; Inquisition 23rd February, 33rd Elizabeth, finds that six messuages, thirty acres of arable land and two of pasture, in Leixlip, commonly called the Church-land, annual value 10s, were given to this church contrary to the statute [of mortmain?]. [Chief Remebrancer] [Mervyn Archdall, Monasticum Hibericum: or a history of the abbeys, priories, and other religious houses in Ireland, Vol II, Dublin, 1879, p281-2.]

1591-2:  On 5/1/1591-2 is a reference to James Blake, merchant of Galway; his brother is Valentine Blake, richest man in Galway.  Dominic Brian is James’s father-in-law, the richest man in Ireland. May be connected to Blakestown, Leixlip? No, unlikely; no evidence located. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1588-1592, London, 1867, 13/5/1591, p454]

1591-2:  The Privy Council wrote from Whitehall on 31/1/1591-2 to the Lord Deputy and Council touching the controversy between Ellice Butler, alias Sherlocke, and Richard Aleward [=Aylward], concerning the farms of St Katherine’s and Mothill. Such redress of her wrongs to be ordered, as she may have no further cause to trouble Her Majesty. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1588-1592, London, 1867, 31/1/1591-2, p456]

1591-2:  On 5/2/1591-2 Arthur Bostock wrote from York to Anthony Staughton expressing the hope that Sir John Perrot will not continue long at the Lord Treasurer’s, but be released to his great credit. The Bishop of Leighlin is close prisoner in the Fleet, but merry as he ever was. Sir Nicholas White is in the Marshalsea, and taketh it heavily. Sir Thomas Williams is in the Marshalsea, close prisoner. You must have heard of the execution of Arnold Cosbie, and the manner of the Lord Burk’s death, which was very badly.
Note that Burk was murdered by Captain Cosby. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1588-1592, London, 1867, 5/2/1591-2, p388]

1592:  On 16/5/1592 is recorded a memorandum for Irish causes. Several [named persons] to be tried in the Castle Chamber as the Bishop of Leighlin and Sir Nicholas White were in the Star Chamber. Brian O’More, now prisoner here, may be returned to Ireland to take his trial there in Her majesty’s Chief Bench. .[HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1588-1592, London, 1867, 16/5/1592, p485]

1592:  By letter dated 17/12/1592 Sir Richard Bingham wrote to Burghley: “there is much waste land in the county of Kildare, which we account of the English Pale” (extract from a long letter). [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1592-1596, London, 1890, 17/12/1592, p35]

1592:  On 30/12/1592, the Lord Deputy wrote from Dublin Castle to Lord Burghley in which he mentions, inter alia: I humbly thank you for giving me to understand of Her majesty’s resolution for a Chief Baron and Master of the Rolls to be sent over. I pray god they may be men of such learning. And sincerity as those places and Her Majesty’s service in them requires. I have been earnestly moved by men of good account and my good friends in Dr Ford’s behalf for his preferment to the office of Master of the Rolls… [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1592-1596, London, 1890, 30/12/1592, p42.]

1592-3:  On 1/3/1592-3 the Lord Deputy wrote to Burghley, acknowledging receipt of Burghley’s letter of the 30th ult in favour of Andrew Whyte, son of Sir N White, stating that he will be willing to perform Burghley’s pleasure as occasion shall require the same.  Enclosed a resolution dated 13/2/1592-3 of Her majesty’s judges and learned counsel in Ireland touching the right of the Earl of Ormond as Lord Treasurer of Ireland to bestow certain offices. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1592-1596, London, 1890, 1/3/1592-3, p79.]

1593:  On 16/4/1593, Queen Elizabeth wrote to the Lord Deputy announcing that Anthony St Leger was appointed Master of the Rolls and directing that the payment of the Bishop of Leighlin’s Star Chamber fine was to be for the uses of judges. Note that St Leger was sent to Ireland from Britain. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1592-1596, London, 1890, 16/4/1592-3, p91.]

1593:  A petition dated 10/6/1593 of John Itchingham to the Privy Council praying that the Bishop of Leighlin may be examined touching such confessions as Sir Nicholas White made before his death relative to the justice of the said John Itchingham’s cause. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1592-1596, London, 1890, 10/6/1593, p107.]

1593:  An order in Council was made dated 10/6/1593 that the controversy between John Itchingham and the sons of Sir Nicholas White, James White and Andrew White, concerning the title of inheritance to the monastery of Dunbrody, be dismissed from the council board and the plaintiff be referred to the common law. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1592-1596, London, 1890, 10/6/1593, p107.]

1593:  Reference was made to the ‘fort of Duncannon’ (Sir Nicholas White’s principal home?) in a document dated 29/6/1593. . [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1592-1596, London, 1890, 29/6/1593, p110.]

1593:  Sir Anthony Sentleger [ aka St Leger] wrote in August, 1593 from Dublin to Burghley, reporting that he had landed in Ireland on 13/6/1593, having waited for a month and two days for a wind, during which time he had put to the sea three times but was driven back by the wind. Sir Wm Weston and Sir Robert Napper [= Chief Baron of Ireland] arrived in Dublin one day before him, at which time the Lord Deputy and the Council were at Dundalk. This explained why they sat in their places for only three days of the Midsummer term, and after the term they rode their several circuits appointed to them. He was reminding Burghley that he found very few records here, and that since the third year of Her Majesty’s reign there had been very few patents or other grants enrolled, whereby Her majesty and the subject may be at great prejudice. He had been informed that Sir Wm Gerrard, who was here as Lord Chancellor, brought many records with him on going to England, which were never returned to Ireland and probably remain with his executor. He sought their return. He had issued instructions that no patent shall pass until it shall be enrolled, so that Her Majesty will have a record of her rents and services reserved, and the other party a claim if he looses his counterpart. Also there has been no escheats made into the Exchequer of Her Majesty’s grants since the going of Sir Nicholas White to England, but he has collected all the fiats and will estreat them before the next term, and keep them orderly, using the Chancery Court to redress other things. 
In his circuit, which was the counties of Kildare, Carlow and Queen’s, he had very good appearance, “and I do not see but that the people be very willing, though yet very ignorant, to embrace justice and obedient to the laws, and therefore hope that in convenient time there will be planted in them a reverend regard of their duties and obedience to her majesty and her laws”.
Sentleger sought housing. There is but one house of the Church void, held by another, and given to Sir Wm Weston, so that Sir Robert Napper and himself were “driven to pay excess rents for houses, the same being very dear..” He sought a yearly consideration for housing. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1592-1596, London, 1890, August 1593, p143-5.]

1593:  Grant under queen’s letter, 4/7/1588, to Terence or Tirlagh O Byrne of [inter multos alia] land in Leixlipp, formerly belonging to the parish church of Leixlipp, and granted to the church contrary to the statute of mortmain (17s)… All of which were concealed from the queen.  To hold forever by the service of a twentieth part of a knight’s fee. Rent.. If any of the parcels had not been concealed the grant to be in so far void. [Fiant No 5826, Elizabeth I, dated 3/9/1593, cited in The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol III, Dublin 1994.] ‘Mortmain’ is the law relating to the condition of lands or tenements held inalienably by ecclesiastical or other corporation. [The Concise Oxford Dictionary, Oxford, 1982]

c1593:  Richard Harding petitioned Burghley. His long imprisonment for Sir John Perrot’s cause. Distress. Prays for a reversion of £40 of Her majesty’s land in Ireland for 40 years. . [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1592-1596, London, 1890, c1593, p195.]

1594:  A letter to the Lord Deputy for Ireland from the Lords of the Council of England, dated 26/2/1594, stated, inter alia:.. “Her Majesty’s pleasure is that Sir Wm Weston, Sir Robt Napper, and Sir Anthony St Leger, for their better help and provision in housekeeping, should be preferred to have so much of her Highness’s lands within the pale, for their more conveniency and ease, as were or should be out of lease, and were letten at a hundred pounds sterling, per annum,  paying the accustomed rent; to hold and enjoy the same during the time of the continuance in the several offices of Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, Chief Baron, and Master of the Rolls; and where we are of late informed, by letter of the Chief Baron, and Master of the Rolls; that they have not hitherto had the benefit thereof, by reason that at their first coming thither they could not find any lands in the pale out of lease, and now of late having found some small parcels, scruple was made to pass the same to them, the warrant of our former letters being addressed to Sir Wm Fitzwilliams, then Lord Deputy,  etc.. accordingly we do require you to pass unto the Chief Baron and Master of the Rolls so much lands, either within the pale or elsewhere soever in that realm, at their choice, of the yearly value of a hundred pounds, .. at the usual value as shall be found by office or survey, etc. To have and to hold during the continuance of them in those offices.. Each of them should be allowed three footmen and three horsemen out of such bands as the Lord Deputy should think they might be best spared..”.. [James Morrin (ed), Calendar of the Patent and Close Rolls of Chancery in Ireland, Vol II, Elizabeth I, Dublin, 1862, no 26.]

1594:  On 4/5/1594 is recorded that John Sarsfield is sheriff of Kildare. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1592-1596, London, 1890, 4/5/1594, p241.]

1594:  Copied to Burghley from Dublin on 18/6/1594, a joint letter from Weston, Napper and St Leger to the Privy Council, seeking the fee farm of land to the value of £100 pa in Cavan during their service in Ireland (written 8/5/1594 from Dublin). [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1592-1596, London, 1890, 8/5/1594, p255.]

1594:  On 18/8/1594 Andrew White wrote from Dublin to Sir Robert Cecil [son of Lord Burghley, or Wm Cecil; Robert (d 1612) was also secretary of state], thanking him for referring the case between him and Itchingham to common law. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1592-1596, London, 1890, 18/8/1594, p264.]

1594:  Grant to Terence, alias Tiraughle O’Byrne, of [inter alia] 30 acres arable, and six messuages in Leixlipp, formerly belonging to the parish church of Leixlipp, and granted to the church, contrary to the statute of mortmain [= condition by which lands are held inalienably by churches]; .To hold forever, in capite, by knight’s service, that is to say, by the 20th part of a knight’s fee, as scutage runs.  Dated 3/9/1594, Elizabeth I. [James Morrin (ed), Calendar of the Patent and Close Rolls of Chancery in Ireland, from the 18th to the 45th of Queen Elizabeth, Dublin, 1862, no 7]

1594:  Andrew White (or Whyte) of Leixlip was a scholar at TCD [Alumni Dublinenses -  Register of students, graduates, professors and provosts of TCD, 1593-1860, Burtchaell & Sadleir, 1935]. The 11th generation descendants of Sir Nicholas Whyte, Master of the Rolls, of Leixlip castle, still live in Leixlip.

1594-5:  On 13/1/1594-5 Sir Robert Napper and Sir Anthony Sentleger wrote to the Lord Treasurer, to favour their suit to the Lords of the Privy Council touching the lease of £100 land in the English Pale [= 5 counties] and convenient houses. They had recently come over from England as Chief Baron and Master of the Rolls of Ireland, respectively. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1592-1596, London, 1890, 13/1/1594-5, p291.]

1595:  On 6/6/1595 Andrew White wrote from Dublin to Burghley [= Sir William Cecil] notifying him that his adversary Itchingham had proceeded to England to process the countermand of the letters from the Privy Council relative to the suit touching the Abbey of Dunbrody.  [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1592-1596, London, 1890, 6/6/1595, p326.]

1595:  On 6/6/1595 Andrew White wrote from Dublin to Sir Robert Cecil declaring his opposition to any revival of Itchingham’s suit for Dunbrody. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1592-1596, London, 1890, 6/6/1595, p326.]

1595:  On 4/7/1595 Sir Robert Napper wrote to Burghley touching the £100 per annum appointed to him and the [new] Master of the Rolls of such lands as are out of lease. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1592-1596, London, 1890, 4/7/1595, p335.]

1595:  On 14/8/1595 Napper and St Leger wrote from Dublin to Burghley: “They have not any one acre of land, other than they rent near Dublin”.  They sought land of dissolved monasteries to be put in (their?) charge for Her Majesty. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1592-1596, London, 1890, 4/7/1595, p368.]

1595:  A document dated 5/10/1595 refers to Scots soldiers in Ireland from the Earl of Argyle (=Archebell Campbell), friends of O’Neill. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1592-1596, London, 1890, 4/7/1595, p412.]

1595-6:  Of interest in connection with the Guinness family roots is a reference dated 26/1/1595-6 to Arthur Magennis, son of Sir Hugh Magennis, alias McGuyness (1592, opus cit, p62). The reference is in the context of the local war in the North, near Dundalk..  Sir Hugh Magennis is aka Lord of Evagh. Another reference is to ‘Magennis’s country’ which may be near Carrigfergus from where soldiers were being sought for a immediate action (opus cit, p216).  Lord Evagh [cf Iveagh?] was loyal to Queen Elizabeth at that time, providing intelligence in 1593 (p95, opus cit). His eldest son married the daughter of the Earl of Tirone [=Tyrone]. This son was detained at the time (p301, opus cit). [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1592-1596, London, 1890.]

1596:  A document dated 28/4/1596 lists Samuel Molyneux as victualler to the army. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1592-1596, London, 1890, 28/4/1596, p515.]

1596:  In a report dated 22/11/1596 from Adam Loftus, Archbishop of Dublin, to Burghley on the war in Leinster is stated: “As for those civil parts in the counties of Meath on this side the river of Boyne, Kildare and Dublin, they are much oppressed by the soldiers in the thoroughfare, both of horse and foot, especially by the troop of the Lord President his horsemen, who commit very grievous extortions and oppressions. The like is done by the rest of the soldiers, who are not restrained by any discipline, and it is greatly to be feared that if some speedy direction from Her Majesty, or your Lordship’s order, be not taken, to bridle disorders of the soldiers that “manurance” of the land will quite be given over in these parts”. [EG Atkinson (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1596-1597, London, 1890, 22/11/1596 p169]

1596:  In a document entitled ‘Observations of matters seeming to be out of order in Ireland’ Burghley endorsed the recommendation on 3/12/1596 that it should be known what followed on the great complaint made last summer by the inhabitants of Kildare of extraordinary cess used upon the whole county. The complainant was ordered to be heard by the Lord Deputy, but nothing has been reported. [EG Atkinson (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1596-1597, London, 1893, 11/7/1597, p182.]

1597:  Queen Elizabeth, writing from Greenwich on 2/6/1597, directed that the lands of Alison Dalton, widow, and Roger Dalton, her son and a ward of the crown, in Munster, now with Lord Decies, (Decies was a territory which included Waterford) be returned to them. [EG Atkinson (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1596-1597, London, 1893, 2/6/1597, p305.]  Dawlton [= Dalton] was listed among the noblemen and gentlemen of co Westmeath in 1591. The name was common in Leixlip later. [Robert Pentland Mahaffy (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1601-3,(with Addenda 1565-1654), London, 1912, p600.]

1597:  On 11/7/1597 the Earl of Ormond wrote to Burghley from Callan (nr Kilkenny). His painful travail and charges in Her Majesty’s service all these three years past.  He had recovered of a grave sickness. His good success as general of Leinster. Asks that so much as shall be laid down for him may be delivered to his servant, Bartholomew Daniel. [EG Atkinson (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1596-1597, London, 1893, 11/7/1597, p339.]

1597:  On 24/7/1597 another in a series of petitions from “the humble.. distressed inhabitants of the county of Kildare in Ireland, by Patrick Tipper, their agent” was made, the petition being referred by order of the Lords and the rest of Her Majesty’s Privy Council to Sir Wm Russell, to be considered and answered by him. The petitioners were requesting payments due to them for sundry services and charges, which had not yet been made. The description of their grievance includes: “… together with the thoroughfare of Her Majesty’s forces, accompanied with number of boys, women and horses and stragglers (a thing for charge, disorder, and abuse most intolerable), exacting and wresting your suppliants with all manner of cruelty, hardness, and extremity, the leaders and others of the said companies neither observing discipline, equality, or moderation, extort upon your poor suppliants provision of diet, such as they not or cannot spare, devouring the same in most riotous manner, marching as they list, forward and backward, not holding the direct or nearest way, taking money in one place, and meat and money in another…demeaning themselves as if they were directed to commit all oppression, desolation and destruction.”  The protesters are unable to go on with their work and perform their duties. They contend that the soldiers are paid specified amounts for their food by HM, yet they beg, defraud, rob, spoil and abuse the inhabitants of the country. [EG Atkinson (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1596-1597, London, 1893, 24/7/1597, p354-356.]

1597:  On 22/12/1597 Samuel Molyneux, agent of Robert Newcomen, the Victualler, wrote to Burghley seeking a £2000 imprest for purchase of provisions in Ireland. [EG Atkinson (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1596-1597, London, 1893, 22/12/1597, p474.] 
Robert Newcomen was first mentioned (opus cit, p143) as ‘victualler in Ireland’ when he wrote from Dublin in October 1596. Molyneux maybe related to the later Molyneux of Leixlip iron mills?  Was Newcomen related to the Newcomen in Carton at one stage? Newcomen lived at Ballyfermot Castle, c1608. [Nessa O’Connor, Palmerstown – An Ancient Place, Dublin, 2003, p31.]

C1597 or 8:  Daniel Molineux [sic] was appointed ‘Ulster’ King of Arms and Principal Herald of Ireland by Queen Elizabeth I this year.  See 1629, when he quit.

1597:  On the 28/12/1597 the Privy Council wrote to the Lords Justice Loftus and Gardener, acknowledging the various letters received. “Know not how Her majesty is answered the composition of the English Pale, granted in lieu of cess. Grevious complaints made by the English counties, and specially by the county of Kildare, for the uncivil oppression by the captains and soldiers there, taking victual as it were in form of a cess, without paying for same. What became of those complaints they never heard”. [EG Atkinson (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1596-1597, London, 1893, 28/12/1597, p479-481.]

1597-8:  On 27/2/1597-8 there is a report to the Privy Council from Dublin which averts to the fort of Duncannon being left in the company of Mr Itchingham, a gent of the county Wexford, who is unsuitable for it at this time [Spanish invaders], [EG Atkinson (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1597-1599, London, 1895, 27/2/1597-8, p339.] This seems to be the property once owned by Nicholas White, whose sons sought it back after his death..

1598:  Robert Black (opus cit, 5/8/1598, p198-9) and Robert Blake (opus cit, 15/8/1598-9, p492) are one and the same, wealthy merchant from Galway. Blakestown, Leixlip, perhaps?  Or Black Castle? – Neither! [EG Atkinson (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1597-1599, London, 1895.]

1598:  In a communication dated 23/12/1598, Sir Ralph Lane informed Sir Robert Cecil that, inter alia, the mountain rebels, joined with the bastard Geraldines of Kildare dared to engage themselves between Her Majesty’s army at Naas and Dublin, fourteen days ago burned Dunboyne, within seven miles of Dublin, and four days ago did the like to Symonds Court, distant only one mile and a half from the town..” [EG Atkinson (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1597-1599, London, 1895, 23/12/1598, P419.].

1598:  Two records, both from 1598, note that when Prince John was in Ireland he divided it into parts and the English colonies were planted in twelve shires, to be governed under English laws, viz., Dublin, Meath, Louth, Kildare, Catherlogh, Wexford, Kilkenny, Waterford, Tipperary, Cork, Limerick and Kerry.  In Henry VIII’s time, Meath was divided into East Meath and West Meath. The lands of the various Irish septs interlaced with the above. The English Pale consisted of five shires: Dublin, Meath, Westmeath, Kildare and Louth. In fact, outside of the English Pale, the laws and government varied.  
At this time county Kildare, south co Dublin, co Westmeath, co Louth and part of Meath were “for the more part spoiled, wasted and consumed, by burning or otherwise, save some castles in each of the said shires, where the owners do shroud themselves from the rebels, which they cannot long hold without your [Her] Majesty’s speedy relief”. The waste and destruction grew because of the incursions of traitors and rebels [e.g. Tyrone], daily outrages by soldiers, and by the burdens imposed by HM’s establishment. [EG Atkinson (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1597-1599, London, 1895; 1598, p434.]

1599:  Elizabeth wrote to the Lord Deputy about St Leger’s land requirements, directing that lands which have come into his possession following the attainder, escheat or any other lawful title, as shall amount to the clear yearly value of £50 sterling, he is to receive them when he, St Leger, draws the attention of these to the Lord Deputy etc. Dated, 27/3/1599. A similar letter, no. 51, for Sir Robert Napper and an acknowledgement that Sir Wm Weston has departed. Dated 27/3/1599. [James Morrin (ed), Calendar of the Patent and Close Rolls of Chancery in Ireland, Vol II, Elizabeth I, Dublin, 1862, no 50.]

1599:  In a report by Sir Ralph Lane to the Earl of Essex, on intelligence information about Ulster he notes that “.. agreed to send the Earl of Argyle [Campbell] who, if he be monied, is able of himself to send over 12,000 Scots..” [EG Atkinson (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1599-1600, London, 1899; June,1599, p73.]

1599:  Surrender by Andrew White, of the glebe land, manse, and tithes of the grange of Rosnalvan, co Kildare, set to John FitzMorish, of Belan, at £11 per year. To supplement a surrender by Nicholas White, knt, his father, which proved of less value than was supposed. [Fiant no. 6297, Elizabeth I, dated 16/6/1599, The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol III, Dublin 1994].

1599:  Andrew Whyte [White] of Leixlip died 31/7/1599. Family tree details in reference. [Thos Ulick Sadleir, ‘Kildare Members of Parliament, 1559-1800’, JKAS, Vol VI, No 5, Jan, 1911, p404-5.]

1599:  On 14/8/1599, the Earl of Essex wrote to the Privy Council, providing a report “on the true state of affairs in the Kingdom”, particularly about the rebels:  “In Leinster we keep more of the country in obedience than in all the Kingdom besides; notwithstanding the rebels are so strong in this province that everywhere they burn, spoil and prey, saving betwixt the Liffey and the Boyne”. [EG Atkinson (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1599-1600, London, 1899; 14/8/1599, p123.]

1599:  Elizabeth I, in a fiant no. 6311 and dated 17/8/1599, made a grant to Wm Cary, knt, treasurer at wars; of the wardship and marriage of Nicholas, son and heir of Andrew White, late of Lexlipp, co. Kildare, esq.; and custody of his lands, during minority, at such rent as they shall be valued by inquisition, retaining £15 yearly for maintaining the minor. With the clause for education in Trinity College, as in fiant No 6306. No 6306 provides that the grantee shall cause the ward to be maintained and educated in the English religion and in English apparel in the college of the Holy Trinity, Dublin from his 12th year until he shall complete his 18th year. [Appendix to 17th Report of the Deputy Keeper of Public Records in Ireland]

1599:  Lease to Sir Rob. Napper, knt, of [inter alia] the lands of Halverston, alias Ballyhallway, co Kildare, in the occupation or profit taking of the executors of dame Margaret Sarsfield alias Plunckett (12s) etc. [Fiant No 6310, Elizabeth I, dated 17/8/1599, The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns, Vol III]. NB: Margaret Plunkett had a connection with Confey Castle.

1599:  Grant to John Poolie, knt., of the wardship and marriage of Elionora, dau and heir of Thomas, son and heir of Christopher Fagan, late of Dublin, alderman, and the custody of lands during minority. Rent £22 odd, of which 5 marks English are to be retained for maintaining the minor. Fine, £22 odd. [Fiant no.6331, Elizabeth I, dated, 18/9/1599, The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns, Vol II]. Leisagh O’Connor kept his cloak in Alderman Fagan’s house! 

1599:  Elizabeth I in a fiant No 6347 granted a Lease (under queen’s letter, 28/3/1599) to Sir Anthony St Leger, knt, master of the rolls, of [inter alia] a messuage and lands in Blakeston, near Leixlipp, co Kildare, of the lands of David Sutton, attainted; … To hold for 40 years. Rent for Blakeston, 7s 6d .. Provided he shall not alien, to any, without license of the lord deputy, except they shall be of English nation or birth both by father and mother, or born within the English pale. He shall not levy coyne, livery, or other unlawful impositions, nor willingly permit any other to do so, whereby her majesty’s lands by colour of custom might be charged hereafter. Dated 17/10/1599. [Appendix to 17th Report of the Deputy Keeper of Public Records in Ireland]

Gerald Sutton purchased Castletown from the FitzGeralds; when Gerald died his son, David, inherited Castletown (c1574). However, David was attainted at the age of 26 after joining in a rebellion of his cousin, Viscount Baltinglass, intent on placing Mary Queen of Scotts on the throne, in 1581. David and his brother John (19) were taken from Castletown and hanged in Stephen’s Green [Tony Doohan, A History of Celbridge, Celbridge, undated, p16].

1599:  Demise from the crown to Sir Anthony Sentleger of [inter alia] a messuage or tenement in Blackeston, [Blakestown] near Leixlipp, in the county of Kildare, containing 14 acres arable, parcel of the possessions of David Sutton, attainted.. To hold for 40 years at rent.  Dated 17/10/1599. Elizabeth. [James Morrin (ed), Calendar of the Patent and Close Rolls of Chancery in Ireland, from the 18th to the 45th of Queen Elizabeth, Dublin, 1862, no 38.]
 

 

Chronology of Leixlip by John Colgan covering the years 1588 - 1599 AD. Our thanks to John.

LEIXLIP CHRONOLOGY 1550 - 1585 AD

Leixlip Chronology 1550  -  1585 

Compiled by

JOHN COLGAN

1550: No. 625:  Lease to Thomas earl of Ormond and Ossory; of [inter alia] Blackcastell, and Donamore, co Meath [sic].. and other land in co Kildare. All of which were in the hands of the King by the minority of the said Earl. To hold during his minority and until livery shall be granted, at a rent of £681 4s 2 ¾d etc - 18 November, iv Edward VI [=1550]. [Fiants of Edward VI, No 625, dated 18/11/1550, cited in The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol I, Dublin 1994].

1550:  There is a reference to St Colman’s vicarage, Larabrine, [Laraghbryan], diocese of Dublin, in a fiant of Edward VI of this year.  St Colman was a disciple of St Columba of Iona? Of  relevance to Confey church.

1551:  “Will of Nicholas Bellewe, of the Weston, beside the Nall”.. Duleek etc. in county Meath. Dated 21/7/1551, Edward VI. [James Morrin (ed), Calendar of the Patent and Close Rolls of Chancery in Ireland, Vol I, Henry VIII, Edward VI, Mary & Elizabeth I, Dublin, 1861, no 227.] Cited to show the use of THE Weston name, as a townland name.

1552:  Wardship of Nicholas Eustace, cousin and heir of John Eustace, late of Connfeye, [sic] in the county of Kildare, granted to Thomas Lutrell, for a fine of £46 odd. Dated 25/5/1552, Edward VI. [James Morrin (ed), Extracts from Calendar of the Patent and Close Rolls of Chancery in Ireland, Vol I, Henry VIII, Edward VI, Mary & Elizabeth I, Dublin, 1861, no 170.]

1552:  Lease, under king’s letter, 24/6/1552, to Walter Peppard, one of the gentlemen ushers of the king’s chamber, of a water mill, etc. within the precinct of St. Mary’s Abbey, Dublin, lands in … Lucan, Grenoke,  Lexlipe.., and 10s rent in Coldreny [=Cooldrinagh]; the rectories, etc. of  ..  Collenston, .., the possessions of St. Mary’s abbey, excepting such portions as were granted by Henry VIII.  21 years lease from the termination of his lease dated 20 June, xxxv, Henry VIII, at a rent of  £310 odd, etc. [Edward VI’s Fiant no. 1083, dated 7/11/1552, cited in The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol I, Dublin 1994].

1552:  In a grant dated 25/4/1552 from Edward VI to Gerald FitzGerald of an extensive list of properties in several counties are mentioned: “Maynooth alias Manoosle”, “Kelleston alias Kelleyeston”, “Rowynsdale alias Revynsdale” [=Ravensdale], “Syane” [=Sion], “Blakeston” [=Blakestown] and “Donamore, Carten,..”, ie, Donaghmore on Grangewilliam farm is confirmed as aka Donamore.[Patent and Close Rolls, Chancery Ireland, Dublin, for Henry VIII]

1552:  Licence to John Alen, knt., late chancellor, to alienate to Christopher, son and heir of Patrick Barnwall, of Gracedew [Gracedieu], knt, Christopher, son and heir of Thos Luttrell, of Luttrellisston, knt., William, son and heir of Thos Talbot, of Malahide, knt., Thos., son and heir of Richard Alymer, of Lyons, esq., …., forever, his manor of Alenscorte, formerly S Wulstans, near the Newbridge, upon Alen, the manor of Donaghcumper, co Kildare and all lands etc in S Wulstans, Donaghcumper, and in the parish of Donaghcumper, Personstown, Lexlip [Leixlip], Donaghmore, Kilmacredoke, Grangegorman, Backbieston alias Bacweston, Stacumney, Laghlynston, Potterston, Symondeston, Galbeggiston, Meyston, Colflitche, Rew, etc..; the advowsons and rectories of Donaghcumper, Stacumney, Killadowan and Donaghmore, co Kildare; the manor of Palmerstown, Irishton, Bacbieston, Coldreny and Lucan, co Dublin. Also pardon to the said John Alen - 22 November, vi Edward VI [=1552] [Fiants of Edward VI, No 1095, dated 22/11/1552, cited in The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol I, Dublin 1994].

1552:  Grant to Thomas Luttrell, of Luttrelliston, knt., for £56 8s 1d; of the wardship and marriage of Nicholas Eustace, cousin and heir of John Eustace, late of Confey, Co. Kildare, esq.; also grant of the third part of the manor of Sawntre [Santry], county Dublin, and the lands there, worth by the year £10 11s 8d; for the sustenance of the minor; with demise of messuage and land in Sawntre, for 13 years (unless the minor die sooner), at a rent of 50s. . [Fiants of Edward VI, No 1012, dated 25/5/1552, cited in The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol I, Dublin 1994].

1553:  Lease granted to Oliver Sutton, of Rychardeston, gent; the castle and lands of Payneston, county Kildare; lands of Morystonbiller [= Morristownbiller], a castle called Blakecastell [= Black Castle], and lands of Clane, same county, parcel of the possessions of Gerald, earl of Kildare, attainted; the customs of the town called Nasshe alias Naas, same county, parcel of the king’s old inheritance;  …etc. - to hold Payneston, Morystonbiller, and Clane, for 21 years form 1558, at a rent of £15 14s;  …not date. [Fiants of Edward VI, No 1143, 1553, cited in Deputy Keeper of Public Records reports]

1553-4:  Lease dated 17/3/1553-4  … to Matthew King; of the manor of Lucan, lands of Lucan and Westpayneston, county Dublin, parcel of the possessions of Gerald, earl of Kildare, attainted. To hold for 21 years at a rent of £30 13s 4d. Lessee to inhabit the castle or cause it to be inhabited by liege men [= men bound to give service or allegiance], who shall use the English tongue and dress, and keep no communications with the Irish. [Fiant no.37, Philip & Mary, cited in Appendix IV, 9th Report of the Deputy Keeper of Public Records in Ireland.]

1554:  Lease dated 23/10/1554 to Henry Cowley [aka Colley] of Castelcarbre, gent, of the castle of Castelcarbre …etc., for 21 years. [Fiant no.53, Philip & Mary, cited in Appendix IV, 9th Report of the Deputy Keeper of Public Records in Ireland.]

Sir Henry Colley had two sons, George, his eldest, to whom he left Edenderry and Henry, to whom he left Castle Carbery, in a settlement of 1581. In two generations George’s property, Edenderry, had passed by marriage into the Blundell family. Many of the town’s tenants (in 1716) were Quakers, including Nathan Williams, John Pim, and Mungo Buley (Bewley).[WA Maguire, ‘Missing Persons: Edenderry under the Blundells and the Downshires, 1707-1922’, in Nolan & O’Neill, (eds), Offaly History & Society, Dublin, 1996, p515-42.]

1556:  On 3/7/1556 Philip & Mary granted a commission to [inter alia] Nicholas Eustace, sheriff of Kildare, and Thomas Alen, clerk of the Hanaper, to be justices and keepers of the peace in … co Kildare, and the marches and liberties of the same, in the absence of the Deputy on an expedition against the Scots and other enemies in the North. [Fiant no.113, Philip & Mary, cited in Appendix IV, 9th Report of the Deputy Keeper of Public Records in Ireland].

1557:  On 2/12/1557 Philip & Mary granted a pardon to John Alen, of Alenscourt, or S. Wulstans, co Kildare, knt, late chancellor of Ireland, and Patrick Sarsfield, of Thistledelan, [= Castledillon], gent. [Fiant No 173, Philip & Mary, cited in Appendix IV, 9th Report of the Deputy Keeper of Public Records in Ireland]

1557:  On 30/6/1557, a pardon granted to [inter alia] Lysaghe m’Owin O’Connor, .. of Offaly, kern [= light-armed Irish foot-soldier, yeoman, gentleman-farmer]. [Fiant No 148, Philip & Mary, cited in Appendix IV, 9th Report of the Deputy Keeper of Public Records in Ireland.] 

1558:  On 20/5/1558, a lease was granted to George Stanley, knt, of half of the manor of Castleknocke, co Dublin, parcel of the late possession of John Burnel, attainted, containing [inter alia] 6s 8d out of Thomas Luttrell’s lands in Kellyeston. [Fiant No 219, Philip & Mary, cited in Appendix IV, 9th Report of the Deputy Keeper of Public Records in Ireland.]

1557-8:  Commission to Robert Dillon, second Justice of the Chief Place, Patrick White, knt., second Baron, .. Luke Nettervile, of Dowthe, James Barnewell of Brymore.. to take inquisitions of the possessions of Gerald, late earl of Kildare, attainted, father of Gerald, present Earl, which were in the king’s and queen’s hands, 1 May i and ii, in the counties of Dublin,.. and Kildare, etc  - June, iv, and v, Philip and Mary. [=1557-8] [Fiants of Philip & Mary, no.232, 1558, cited in The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol II, Dublin 1994].

1558-9:  Commission to Gerald, Earl of Kildare [1525-85; restored as 11th Earl in 1554], John Alen, of Alenscourte.. and Meiler Hussey of Mulhussey, to execute martial law in the O’Byrne and the Toole countries, in the marshes of Dublin, upon all such as have not an inheritance of 20s; to treat and make terms with the rebels, and give them safe conduct in coming and returning. Dated 20/3/1558, Elizabeth I. [James Morrin (ed), Extracts from Calendar of the Patent and Close Rolls of Chancery in Ireland, Vol I, Henry VIII, Edward VI, Mary & Elizabeth I, Dublin, 1861, No 148.]

1560:  Christopher Cheevers of Macetown, co Meath, and Oliver Plunket, also of co Meath, knts., and James Dowdall, queen’s solicitor, were among those commissioned by Elizabeth I to take muster etc. of co Meath. [Fiant No 260, Elizabeth I, 7/7/1560, The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns Vol II]. Confey/ Leixlip/ Old Carton connections.

1560:  Grant to John Garve or Garven, of the dignity of the principal archdeacon of Meath, with the rectory of St Columbe of Kells, vacant by the deprivation of Robert Luttrell, and their being no bishop. [Fiant No 262, Elizabeth I, dated 14/7/1560, The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol II, Dublin 1994].

1561:  On 4/11/1561 Elizabeth I, under letters dated at Westminster, 14/6/1561, granted a lease to.. George Staynings, Gent., of the lands of St Katherin’s by the Salmon Leape, co Dublin, the rectory of the same containing 2 coples of corn and altarages, and the lands in Alleston, alias Allenston, co Kildare, possessions of the late abbey of Thomascourt by Dublin. To hold for 21 years at a rent of £4, part in corn. Provided that the lessee shall not be set to any but English, and shall not levy coyn or other exactions. [Fiant of Elizabeth I, No 390, 1561, cited in The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol II, Dublin 1994].

1561:  Lease, under letters dated at Greenwich, 22 July iv Elizabeth I [=1561], to Wm Vernon, gent., of the site of the manor of Lexlip containing two castles and other buildings, a mill on the Auilyphie, a salmon weir, and two fishing places, called the salmon leape, Priorstown mede, and other demesne lands of the manor, co Kildare, lands of Stacony [Stacumny], with common of pasture in the common of Monkronnoke, and the common of Boynaghmore and Smalmore, and lands of Balmaduer, co Kildare, parcel of the said manor. To hold for 21 years, from 1568, at a rent of £26 13s 4d. Maintaining an able English horseman, and other provisions as in No 290. - 2 November, iv, [=1561] [Fiant No 453, Elizabeth I, cited in The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns, Vol II, Dublin, 1994]. The provisions of fiant no 290 obliged the lessee thus: Provided he maintain buildings, do not alien without license of the chief governor under the great seal, nor set to any persons not English by both parents, and do not charge or suffer to be charged coyn or livery, or other unlawful impositions. Vernon was also leased a ruinous castle, land, a mill, and a weir on the Black water in Castlerichard, co Meath, for 21 years from 1572 at a rent of £14., etc. [Fiant No 842, dated 25/4/1566, opus cit]. Vernon’s assignee, Arthur Brereton, gent, surrendered the tithes of Galtrym, co Meath, which were granted under the aforementioned lease, in a fiant dated 25/4/1577, No 3016, [Vol II, opus cit].

1562: On 3/7/1562 Elizabeth I granted a Pardon to [inter alia] Richard Manering, [alias Manwaring, Manwaringe, Maynwaring] of Leyslip, gent; and Robert Manering, of Talbotstown, co. Dublin, gent. [Fiants of Elizabeth I, No 427, cited in The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns, Vol II, Dublin, 1994].

1563-4:  On 4/3/1563-4 Elizabeth I granted Livery to Nicholas, son and heir of James, son and heir of John Eustace, late of Confey, esq.  Fine, £59 4s 4d. [Fiants of Elizabeth I, No 593, 1563-4, cited in The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol II, Dublin 1994].

1564:  Gerot, Earl of Desmond, wrote to Sir Wm Cecill [aka Cecil, Queen Elizabeth’s secretary and later lord treasurer], noting that John Parker, Master of Rolls, was dead and recommending Andrew Skiddy for the post. Sir T. Wrothe wrote to Cecill with commendations of Nicholas Whyte [White]; Her Majesty likely to be a great loser by the late Master of Rolls. The attorney [general] Barnwall, Mr Chaloner, Mr Wyse and Mr Draycott recommended in Parker’s place. John Chaloner sought the job for himself, at £50 less than his present office; James Barnwell, Attorney General, wrote recommending his nephew, Christopher Barnwell, for job of Master of Rolls.  Christopher Barnwell wrote seeking the job for himself or his uncle. [Elizabeth, Vol XI, July 27–31,1564, cited in HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of the State Papers relating to Ireland, 1509-1573, London, 1860.]

1564:  Commission to Thomas, earl of Ormond and Ossory, to make war upon such of the O’Mores and their adherents as had not submitted before preceding 28th April, and those of the O’Connors and their adherents lately entered into rebellion, or that should rebel, and all Irish persons who aided them; with power to treat and to raise and lead such of the queen’s subjects as may be necessary.  [Fiant No 685 of Elizabeth I, dated 21/11/1564, The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol II, Dublin 1994].

1565-6:  Commission, as in fiant no 685, to Gerald, earl of Kildare to do the same. [Fiant No 823, Eliz I, Vol II, dated 6/3/1565-6.]

1565:  On 8/11/1565 Elizabeth I provided a certificate for Nicholas Eustace, of Confey, county Kildare, gent; assigning his land of Confey to be free of subsidy under 3 & 4 Philip & Mary, c12. [Fiants of Elizabeth I, No 774, 1565, cited in The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol II, Dublin 1994].

1566:  Writ to the sheriff of Kildare to summon the lords, knights, gentlemen, etc to attend Sir Henry Sidney, the Lord Deputy, on the 1st of July, 1566, at Raskeagh, with arms and provisions for 40 days.  Dated 5/6/1566, Elizabeth I. [James Morrin (ed), Extracts from Calendar of the Patent and Close Rolls of Chancery in Ireland, Vol I, Henry VIII, Edward VI, Mary & Elizabeth I, Dublin, 1861, no 37.]

1566:  Thomas Maisterson wrote from Kilkenny stating that Mr [Nicholas] White was to be protected with Her Majesty, Queen Elizabeth’s credit. [Elizabeth, Vol XVIII, 10/8/1566, cited in HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of the State Papers relating to Ireland, 1509-1573, London, 1860.]
1566:  Lease under commission, to Richard Ketinge, gent., of [inter alia] Collenston, co Kildare. To hold for 21 years. To maintain one English horseman, not to alien without license, and not to levy coyn. [Fiant No 879, Elizabeth I, dated 8/6/1566, Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns Vol II, opus cit]  Most likely Colleystown, near Carbury, and not Collinstown, Leixlip.

1567:  Lease to Richard Manwaringe, gent, of the rectory of Lexlip, co Kildare, parcel of the possessions of the monastery of S Thomas the martyr by Dublin. To hold for 21 years at a rent of £8. [Fiant No 1077, Elizabeth I, dated 10/6/1567, cited in The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol. II, Dublin 1994.]

1568:  Lease, under letters, to Sir Edward Butler, of Cloghegrenan, co Carlow, knt, of [inter alia] Colleniston, co Kildare. To hold for 61 years from the expiration of a recited lease. [Fiant No 1216, Elizabeth I, dated 20/5/1568, Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns Vol II].

Another lease, fiant No 2853, to Henry Cowley alias Colley of Carbery, co Kildare, dated 19/6/1576, suggests that this Collenston may be land near Carbury which was with the Colley family, and not the Collinstown by Leixlip.

1569:  Queen Elizabeth wrote to the Lord Deputy. A warrant to grant Nicholas White the reversion of Dunbrody, Co Wexford, the manor of Leixlip, and the parsonage of Baltinglass, in the county of Kildare, and the cell of St Catherine’s in the county of Dublin, to hold by a knight’s service, with other abbey lands; and to admit him as a Privy Councillor. [Elizabeth, Vol XXVII, 18/1/1569, cited in HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of the State Papers relating to Ireland, 1509-1573, London, 1860.]

1569:  Fiant No 1369, dated 28/5/1569. (This fiant is not now of record nor does it appear in the Record Commissioner’s Catalogue.  This abstract is taken from the entry of it in Auditor General’s Patent Book, Vol.7, p61). Grant to Nicholas White; of the rectory of Baltinglass, etc; the lands of St Katherine’s, county Dublin, near Leixlippe in county Kildare, and the rectory of the same, land in the wood of Allestowne alias Alenstowne, county Kildare, of the possessions of Thomas court. To hold for ever, by the service of a fortieth’s part of a knight’s fee, at a rent of 40s for Baltinglass and £4 for the possession of Thomas court. [Fiant of Elizabeth I, no.1369, 1569, cited in The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol II, Dublin 1994].
 
1569:  Mr Jenyson and Mr Thomas wrote to [Sir Wm] Cecill, certify[ing] that the extent of the manor of Leixlipp is £7 10s more than the value whereon Mr White, who has a grant of the fee farm of it, grounded his suit. [Elizabeth, Vol XXVIII, 13/6/1569, cited in HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of the State Papers relating to Ireland, 1509-1573, London, 1860.]

1569-70:  Commission to Wm Pepparde, [of Levetiston, co Kildare] esq., sheriff of the co of Kildare, to execute martial law in the co of Kildare. [Fiant No 1487, Elizabeth I, dated 20/2/1569-70, The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol II, Dublin 1994].

1570:  On 11/6/1570 Elizabeth I made a grant, under letters at Hampton court, 18/1/1569, to Nicholas White, esq, of the manor of Lexlipp, two castles, a water mill, salmon weir, 2 fishing places called the Salmon leape on the river Aunliffie [=Liffey], Priorstown meade and other demesne lands of the manor, co Kildare, £10 free rent issuing out of 32 burgages and land in Lexlipp, payable by the provost of the town, 26s 8d rent out of Kylladowne [= Killadoon], 13s out of Posswickeston; 5s out of Careslande, 2s 1d out of Tristell [= Castledillon?], 4s 2d out of Barlesfelde, 1d out of Parsonston, 6s 8d out of Tollesselaughlen, 3s 8d out of Waters land by Lucan, 16d out of Richenley, 6d rent for license to have a way from Consfie [Confey] to Lexlipp, 15d out of Donnaugheslande, 8d out of Balscotte, 12d out of Aderidge, 12d out of Simondeston, 16d out of lands held by Richard Barne, in the parish of Esker, the lands of Aderigih, Balmadore alias Balmaduere, same co, Stacony alias Staconny, with common of pasture in the great common of Moncronock and the common Reynaghmore and Smalemore, co Kildare, £3 6s 8d rent out of Laughlinstone, Simoneston and Gebegeston, the lands of Newtone, and all other appurtenances of the manor. To hold forever, by the service of a fortieth part of a knight’s fee, at a rent of £27 10s, making £36 13s 4d Irish. [Fiants of Elizabeth I, No 1558, 1570, cited in The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol II, Dublin 1994]. The compiler of the index to this book regards the aforementioned Newtone as being of Leixlip. He is wrong!  The Newtone in question is one of several possibilities within the manor of Leixlip; see map of 1752 etc. [Salmon Leap].

Probably Ball’s History of Co Dublin quotes from this thus: "the Manor of Leixlip, two castles, a water-mill, a salmon-weir, two fishing places, called the Salmon Leap, on the river Annaliffey"[=Liffey]... were granted to Sir Nicholas Whyte, from a Welsh family and a favourite of Queen Elizabeth, who made him Master of the Rolls in Ireland. Despite some ups and downs, the castle remained with his family, but essentially in State ownership, for almost 200 years. The Whytes, however, did not always live at the Castle; they stayed instead at St Catherine’s Park.

c1570-1:  Richard Manwaring of Leixlip petitioned the Privy Council last June [June 1570?]. As a servitor for 36 years in Ireland he had no reward but the lease of the manor of Leixlip which he bought from Wm Vernon. Elizabeth I had given reversion to Nicholas White. He requested lease in reversion of lands within the English Pale to a value of £40 per annum for 41 years. Also consideration of the widow and children of his brother, slain in the prince’s service who sustained great losses up to £400 as a result of Sir Edmond Butler’s efforts. [Calendar of State Papers Ireland, Tudor Period 1571-1575, Revised Edition, Mary O’Dowd (ed), Dublin & London, 2000, p105, no.175.]

1571:  In a letter dated 19/4/1571 from Lord Justice Fitzwilliam to Burghley [=Wm Cecil, Lord Burghley (1520-98), lord Treasurer], he dwelt on the plight of Richard Manwaring, who had done service in Ireland for 36 years and was now elderly. He had received no gifts or rewards for his service and had nothing but a lease which he bought of Wm Vernon of the manor of Leixlip, being Elizabeth I’s lands, the reversion of which is already passed to Mr White, a Councillor in Ireland. Manwaring had no hope of obtaining a further estate. He asked that the Privy Council might intercede with the Queen to obtain some other land or living to sustain him and for his wife and children, the eldest son who was slain in Connaught on service. [Calendar of State Papers Ireland, Tudor Period 1571-1575, Revised Edition, Mary O’Dowd (ed), Dublin & London, 2000, p13, no.12.]  Compare with above of 1570-1; probably some confusion in this one.

1572:  Elizabeth I directed the Lord Chancellor to accept from Nicholas White a surrender of certain lands in the counties of Tipperary, Waterford, and Kilkenny, and to regrant them to him in fee-simple; to annex the farm of Enniscorthy to the seneschalship of Wexford; and for the appointment of Nicholas White to the office of Master of the Rolls, vacated by the death of Henry Draicott, on his, White’s surrender of the office of seneschal of Wexford; but “nevertheless, he is to be permitted to discharge the duties of the latter office for eight months, in the hope that he may more effectually prosecute those that murdered his son-in-law, Robert Browne; whose death, for the sake of example, her Majesty hopes may be duly avenged”. Dated 14/7/1572. [James Morrin (ed), Calendar of the Patent and Close Rolls of Chancery in Ireland, Vol I, Henry VIII, Edward VI, Mary & Elizabeth I, Dublin, 1861, no 9.]

1572:  Ditto, as in fiant no. 685, to Henry Cowley, esq, seneschal of the King’s co, Francis Crosbie, esq, seneschal of the Queen’s co., etc. Recites that some O’Connors and certain of Callagh mac Tirrelaghe’s sons and of others had risen and committed depredations on the lands and people of Owny mcHughe, in the King’s co, and Rosse Magowghegan in co Westmeath. The commissioners were empowered, inter alia, to confiscate to the crown the goods of all persons aiding them, to call in the aid of the Tyrells and the inhabitants of any other country to which the rebels fly, and to obtain provisions, but not oppressively. [Fiant no. 2164, Elizabeth I, dated 8/11/1572, The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol II, Dublin 1994].

1572:  Note of Richard Manwaring having a suit for Ireland on account of a lease of £40 worth of land in lieu of manor of Leixlip given to Nicholas White and some consideration to his brother’s wife and children. Endorsed, 1572. [Calendar of State Papers Ireland, Tudor Period 1571-1575, Revised Edition, Mary O’Dowd (ed), Dublin & London, 2000, p244, no.413.]

1572:  Petition of Nicholas White to Queen Elizabeth, [asking her to] accept certain land in exchange for the rent of his fee farm of Leixlip and St Katherine’s, being £30 10s per annum, because he had not other living [quarters] near Dublin to attend the [privy?] council. He also asked for some increase of allowance for the maintenance of his office of Wexford, which the seneschals [of Wexford?] heretofore had m such as some of the prince’s farms to dwell on and having men in wages, which White had not. He also sought an increase in his fee of £25 Irish be increased of the issues and profits of co Wexford without any new charge on the queen. [Elizabeth, Vol XXVI, June[?], 1572, cited in HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of the State Papers relating to Ireland, 1509-1573, London, 1860, and elaborated in Calendar of State Papers Ireland, Tudor Period 1571-1575, Revised Edition, Mary O’Dowd (ed), Dublin & London, 2000, p181-2, no.285.]

1572:  A letter dated 7/10/1572 from Dublin Castle to Elizabeth stated disapproval for Mr [Nicholas] White’s proposed exchange. [Elizabeth, Vol VIII, cited in HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of the State Papers relating to Ireland, 1509-1573, London, 1860.]

1572[?]:  Nicholas White is confirmed as master of the rolls in Ireland, as he is recorded in a letter to Elizabeth as certifying a copy of an Act this year. [Elizabeth, Vol XXXVIII, cited in HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of the State Papers relating to Ireland, 1509-1573, London, 1860.]

1573:  The Master of the Rolls, Nicholas White, claimed in correspondence the Great Seal then in the custody of Adam Loftus, Archbishop of Dublin. [Elizabeth, Vol XL, 26/5/1573, cited in HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of the State Papers relating to Ireland, 1509-1573, London, 1860.]

1573:  It was decided, on the 29/5/1573, that the issue of the Great Seal and who should have custody of it should await the new Chancellor’s appointment. [Elizabeth, Vol XL, 29/5/1573, cited in HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of the State Papers relating to Ireland, 1509-1573, London, 1860.]

1573:  On 4/6/1573, Nicholas White wrote to Burgley citing precedence, where his predecessor, John Alen [of St Wolstan’s], got to keep the Great Seal in 1538! [Elizabeth, Vol XL, 4/6/1573, cited in HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of the State Papers relating to Ireland, 1509-1573, London, 1860.]

1573: By fiant No 2288, dated 8/6/1573, Elizabeth granted a Lease (under queen’s instructions, 13/7/1572, and letter of English privy council, 20/5/1572) to Richard Manwaringe, of Leixlipp, co. Kildare, gent.; of the lands of Kilrothery. To hold for 21 years from the end of the existing term; rent £8 4s 8d. Maintaining one English footman. Not to charge coyne. [Fiants of Elizabeth I, No 2288, 1573, cited in the 12th Report of the Deputy Keeper of Public Records in Ireland.]

1573: By fiant no. 2305, dated 30/6/1573, Elizabeth granted a Lease (authority, see fiant No 2288) to Richard Mainwaringe, of Lexlipp, gent; of the lands of Kylpoole, co Dublin; tithes of two coples of oats. [Similar to no. 2314] [Fiants of Elizabeth I, No 2305, 1573, cited in the 12th Report of the Deputy Keeper of Public Records in Ireland.]

1573:  Elizabeth I wrote to the Lord Deputy on 7/7/1573 directing that a lease to be passed to the Earl of Ormond, by letters patent, of lands and possessions of the annual value of £100. [James Morrin (ed), Calendar of the Patent and Close Rolls of Chancery in Ireland, Vol II, Elizabeth I, Dublin, 1862, no 12.] May be of interest in connection with the Black Castle.

1573: By fiant no. 2314, dated 8/7/1573, Elizabeth granted a Lease (authority, see fiant no. 2288) to Richard Mainwaringe, of Lexlipp, gent;  of the lands of Logher, co. Meath.  To hold for 21 years from the determination of no. 1169, rent £4 7s.  maintaining one English footman.  Not to charge coyne. [Fiants of Elizabeth I, No 2314, 1573, cited in Deputy Keeper of Public Records 12th report]

1573: By fiant No 2315, dated 10/7/1573, Elizabeth granted a Lease (authority, see fiant No 2288) to Richard Mainwaringe, of Lexlipp, gent; of the lands of Ballifermott etc. [Similar to No 2314] [Fiants of Elizabeth I, No 2315, 1573, cited in the 12th Report of the Deputy Keeper of Public Records in Ireland.]

1573:  Ditto, to Gerald earl of Kildare; to make war on those of the nations of the O Mores and O Connors who were proclaimed traitors, and to punish with fire and sword them and all Irish persons who aid them; with power to treat, and to raise and lead the Queen’s subjects. [Fiant No 2319, dated 26/7/1573, Eliz I, The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol II, Dublin 1994.] 

Similar commission to Henry Cowley -  on the O Connors. [Fiant No 2340, dated 10/11/1573, Eliz I, The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol II, Dublin 1994].
 
1573:  By fiant no. 2321, dated 29/7/1573, Elizabeth granted a Lease (authority, see fiant no. 2288) to Richard Mainwaringe, of Lexlipp, co Kildare, gent; of the lands of [listed parcels, non of Leixlip interest]. To hold for 21 years from the end of the existing terms, rent £5 19s 8d.  Not to assign or let except to English. [Fiants of Elizabeth I, No 2321, 1573, cited in Deputy Keeper of Public Records reports]

1573:  By fiant No 2323, dated, 11/9/1573, Elizabeth granted a Commission to James Stanihurst, recorder of Dublin, and one of the general escheaters, Launcellot Alford, general surveyor, John Goodall, chief remembrancer, Edmund Butler, of Callane, co. Kilkenny, learned in the laws, and Robert Puggesly, [Pegley predecessor?] another of the general escheators; to survey the castle and lands of Galberteston, co. Tipperary, and all other lands in co. Waterford which may be offered by N. White, master of the rolls, and to determine whether they amount to the yearly value of £30 ster, and to examine his title to them; in order that they may be conveyed to the crown as a set off for a discharge of his rent of £30 10s sterg. For Lexlipp and S. Katheryns. [Fiants of Elizabeth I, No 2323, 1573, cited in Deputy Keeper of Public Records reports.]

1573:  By fiant no. 2345, dated 16/?/1573, Elizabeth I granted a commission to Robert Weston, knt., chancellor, William Sarsfyld, knt., John Allen,  -- Walshe, [and others] to take the muster and array of [= arrange for inspection and perhaps to empanel as a jury] the inhabitants of the co. Dublin. Like for co Kildare; sheriff, sir Morrice fitzThomas, knt.; sir W. Sarsfylde, knt; John Allen, of Allenscourte, Nich. Eustace, of Confye [and others] [Fiants of Elizabeth I, No 2345, 1573, cited in The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol II, Dublin 1994].

1573:  Pardon granted to Patrick Barnewall, of Crockeston, co Meath, knt., .. Thomas Tallon of Blackcastell, farmer, [inter alia] all in the same county. [Fiant No 2365, Elizabeth I, dated 2/3/1573-4, cited in The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol II, Dublin 1994]. Unclear as to the county of Blackcastell; there is another one in co Westmeath.

1574:  Writing from St Katherine’s on 26/3/1574 in favour of the agents for the city of Waterford, including his brother-in-law, Mr Lombard, Nicholas White confirms that Waterford was his birthplace. [Calendar of State Papers Ireland, Tudor Period 1571-1575, Revised Edition, Mary O’Dowd (ed), Dublin & London, 2000, 26/3/1574, p529, no.984.]

1574:  On the 5/4/1574 Nicholas White wrote to Burghley noting that a Mr Fitzgerald passed by ‘this poor house whereof you are the founder’ and asked him if he might take any letter to Burghley. White writes in a critical way of the Earl of Desmond, from ‘my new begun cott[age] of St Katherine’s beside Leixlip’. [Calendar of State Papers Ireland, Tudor Period 1571-1575, Revised Edition, Mary O’Dowd (ed), Dublin & London, 2000, 5/4/1574, p543, no.924.]

1574:  Commission to Edward Moore, esq., to make war upon such of the nation of the O Connors as are proclaimed traitors, or have appeared in rebellion, to punish with fire and sword all Irish persons who help them, and to put in gaol and seize the goods of any English inhabitants of the English shires who help them. With power to treat with the rebels and grant protections, and to raise and lead the queen’s subjects. [Fiant No 2403, dated 28/5/1574, Elizabeth I, The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol II, Dublin 1994].

1574:  In a petition of 16/6/1574, Henry Colley of Carbury, sought Colleystonne, near Carbury and Edenderry. HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, p28.] 

1574:  Surrender by Nicholas White, of S Katherin’s, co Kildare, master of the rolls, of the monastery of friars preachers of Waterford, with appurtenances; also the lands of Galbardiston alias Balligeallevarte alias Geallevartiston in the cantred of Eliogirtie co Tipperary, containing three caballi of land, conveyed by Edmund Butler, later baron of Donbyne, to Richard Hacket, of Fetherd, gent, and Arthur Ketinge, of Whitchurch, co Wexford, gent, to the use of White. In consideration of a grant of remission of rent. Dated 27/7/1574.  [Fiant No 2440, Eliz I, dated 27/7/1574, The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol II, Dublin 1994].

1574 -1576:  N. White wrote several letters on various dates during this period, all from St Katherine’s, where he appeared to be staying, owing to the plague in Dublin. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, p14, 17, 81,105, 336 & 473.]

1574:  Fiant No 2526, dated 28/11/1574, Elizabeth to Richard Mainwaringe… similar to fiant No 2661, below, but “not let except to English”..  added. Among the lands granted him this year were the tithes of corn and hay of the chapel of St James, Palmerstown, nearby. [Nessa O’Connor, Palmerstown – An Ancient Place, Dublin, 2003, p20.]

1575:  From Dublin Castle the Lord Deputy Fitzwilliam wrote to Burghley, [requiring] the Earl of Ormond’s grant of fee farm to be enlarged. [He] desires [a] further warrant for taking lands from the Master of the Rolls [Nicholas White] in exchange for a remission of £30 per annum rent upon St Katherine’s and Leixlip, whereof he had written from Limerick on 12/9/1574. Always ensuring that the title were good. [He] desires a further interest for his servant, the bearer of this letter, Leverett in the second chamberlainship of the Exchequer. An enclosure [refers to] three cases, drawn upon the particulars of the warrant for the Earl of Ormond [= Thomas Butler] that have bred questions. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, 14/2/1575, p53 and enlarged in Calendar of State Papers Ireland, Tudor Period 1571-1575, Revised Edition, Mary O’Dowd (ed), Dublin & London, 2000, 14/2/1575, p756, No 1266.]

1575:  On 26/4/1575, the Lord Deputy wrote to Burghley about the Earl of Ormond’s fee farm, and the Master of the Roll’s [White’s] exchange, which were to be helped forwards. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, 14/2/1575, p61.]
 
1575:  Commission to Adam, archb. of Dublin, lord keeper of the great seal, and L. Dillon, chief baron, to take from Nich. White, one of the privy council, an estate in fee farm of the late monastery of friars preachers of Waterford and its possessions, and the lands of Galbardiston alias etc, con Tipperary, of the yearly value of £30 sterling. For which he was to receive a release of the rent of £30 10s reserved on the fee farm of Leixlipp and S. Katheryns. Under queen’s letter at Haveryng, 18 July, 1572. [Fiant no. 2623, Elizabeth I,  dated 20/7/1575, The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol II, Dublin 1994].

1575: By fiant no. 2661, dated 28/8/1575, Elizabeth I granted a Lease, under instructions, 13/7/1571, and letter of the council, 20/3/1572, to Richard Maynwaring, of Leixlip, gent, of (a list of church properties, none in the Leixlip area). [Fiants of Elizabeth I, No 2661, 1575, cited in The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol II, Dublin 1994]. Maynwaring, or Mainwaring, may have lived in Carton at this time.

1575:  Lease to Thomas, earl of Ormond, of the possessions of the abbey of the BVM by Dublin, inc. 10s rent in Coldreny [=Cooldrinagh]. To hold for 60 years from the determination of another lease. [Fiant No 2660, Elizabeth I, dated 28/8/1575, cited in The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol II, Dublin 1994]

1575:  By fiant No 2676, dated 31/8/1575, Elizabeth I granted a Lease, under queen’s letter, 12/1/1575, to Thomas, Earl of Ormond and Ossory, of [inter alia] 2 acres in Lexlipp and a messuage near the mill there, co Kildare, possessions of the abbey of the Blessed Virgin Mary, Dublin. To hold for 60 years from the termination of fiant No 1083, Edward VI, and No 1537, Elizabeth I, rent 32s 4d [including rent for other land items]. He shall not charge coyne. In consideration of the surrender of his possessions in Leighlin. [Fiant of Elizabeth I, no.2676, cited in The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol II, Dublin 1994]. The messuage near the mill in Leixlip,is probably  the Black Castle.  

1575:  By fiant No 2690, dated 12/9/1575, Elizabeth I made a grant to Nicholas White, esq., of the manor of Lexlippe, co Kildare, lands and mill of Leixlipp, and a weir and two fishings for salmon on the Lyffie called the Salmon leap, £10 rent out of 32 burgages and land in Leixlippe, to be paid by the provost of the town, 26s 8d out of Kylladowne, .. 1d out of Parsonston,.. 3s 8d out of Walterstowne near Lucan,..  6d yearly licence for a right of way from the town of Conffie to Leixlippe,.. 12 out of Arderick,..  To hold for ever in capite by the service of a fortieth part of a knight’s fee, rent £27 10s sterling… Also lands in St Katherin’s, co Dublin, near Leixlippe (and the wood of Allenston, in a recital). To hold for every by the same service, rent £4 Irish. The queen, by her letter dated 18 July, remitted the rents, in consideration of White having by his deed (No.2440) surrendered the site and possessions of the monastery of preaching friars in Waterford, .. and the lands of Galbardiston, co Tipperary, worth by the year, £20. [Fiants of Elizabeth I, No 2690, dated 1575, cited in The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol II, Dublin 1994].

Note change in spelling of Confey or Conffie (1575), from Consfie in 1570 in a similar deed.
 
1576:  On 31/1/1576, N White wrote to Burghey from St Katherine’s stating that the plague ceased in Dublin [inter alia]. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, 31/1/1576, p89]

1576:  Grant to Sir Barnaby FitzPatrick, knt, office of lieutenant to the lord deputy in the King’s and Queen’s counties; ..to treat with the O Conors, Mores, rebels or other malefactors, and for that purpose to grant safe conducts; etc. [Fiant No 2843, Elizabeth I, dated 8/6/1576, The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol II, Dublin 1994].  [Ditto, to F Cosby [sic], Fiant No 2997, dated 18/3/1576-7, Eliz I, Vol II.]

1576:  Commission appointed by Elizabeth I composed of many persons including Nicholas White, master of the rolls, Henry Colley, one of the privy council; John Bathe, AG; Roger Mainwaring, principal remembrancer; John Alen, John Eustace of Castelmarten; John Dongan [probably of Castletown, Celbridge], to make an inquisition in the several counties for the concealed lands of monasteries and attainted persons  -  queen’s letter, 9/11/1575;  Dated 9/11/1576, fiant no. 2906 cited in The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol II, Dublin 1994].

A further commission of the same and additional names, inc. Robert Pypard, established in 1578 [Fiant no. 3489, Vol II, opus cit]  Again in 1584 [fiant no. 4456, Vol II, opus cit].

1576:  Conveyance from Sir Thos Butler, Earl of Ormond and Ossorie, Lord Treasurer of Ireland, to Nicholas White, Master of the Rolls, of two messuages or tenements in the town of Drogheda.. and a messuage in Leixlipp, in the county of Kildare, parcel of the possessions of the late dissolved house of Mary’s Abbey, Dublin, to hold forever. Signed Thomas, Ormond and Ossorie, dated 22/7/1576. [James Morrin (ed), Calendar of the Patent and Close Rolls of Chancery in Ireland, Vol II, Elizabeth I, Dublin, 1862.]

1576:  Lease (under commission, 6/8/1575) to James and Edward Cuffe, gent, of the rectories of S. Columbe, of Innestioke,  Rossesshinnan, Kilbecke and Kylaghe, Kilcowghan, the Newetown of Lynnan, Aghtertie in Ossery, S. Michelles, in the county [sic] of Comsie [Confie??], Kylline, in the county [sic] of McGylpatricke, and Stradballe, in the county of Waterford, possessions of the priory of Innestioke. To hold for 21 years. Rent, £17 14s 4d. Not to alien without license. Fine, £17 odd. [Fiant No 2872, Elizabeth I, dated 30 June, 1576, The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol II, Dublin 1994]. (See Auditor-General’s Patent Book, Vol 11, p74). Is Comsie/Comsey in co Tipperary, as index to Fiants suggests?  Or in co Kilkenny, as suggested in Fiant No 6038, of 1596-7?

1577:  On 10/2/1577 N. White, Master of the Rolls, wrote from St Catherine’s to Burghley. ‘Goes seldom to Council’. White reports on the state of the nation and war in progress. The validity of John White’s title to the Dufferin was raised. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, 10/2/1577, p105.]

1577:  Lease (under commission, 6/8/1575) to James and Edward Cuffe, gentlemen, of the rectories of S. Columbe, of Ennesticke, Rosshesshynnan or Rosshinnan, Kilbecke and Killaghe, Kilcowghan, the Newton of Lynnan, Aghertie in Ossorie, S. Michaelles, in the country of Comsie, Kylline, in the country of MacGilpatricke, Stradbally, in co. Waterford, cos. Kilkenny and Waterford, possessions of the prior of Enestioke.  To hold for 21 year.  Rent £17 14d 4d.  Not to alien without license. [Fiant no. 3066, Elizabeth I, dated 26/6/1577, The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol II, Dublin 1994].  Check to see if any of these locations might be Confey.

1577:  Grant to John Bathe, of Dromconragh, of [inter alia] the rectories of Confie, co Kildare, possessions of the late monastery of S. Thomas the martyr, Dublin, lands in Lucan and  Kildrought. To hold for 21 years. [Fiant No 3126, Elizabeth I, dated 24/10/1577, cited in The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol II, Dublin 1994.]

1577:  On 18/11/1577 the Attorney General wrote to Walsyngham: “The Master of the Rolls, Mr White, is very negligent in his office.  He maintains any cause that touches his countrymen, how foul soever it be”. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, 18/11/1577, p124]

1577:  On 20/12/1577 Mr Thomas Snagg [Attornery General in Ireland] wrote to Walsyngham from Dublin, complaining that
nothing has passed the Great Seal these three years has been estreated [= make a copy of a court order for a fine etc., or the enforcement of a fine] into the Exchequer.  Mr White’s negligence, etc. Snagge has never had good health since he came to Ireland. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, 20/12/1577, p125].

1577 or 1578:  Allegation affirmed by the Attorney General of Ireland against Nicholas White, Esq., Master of the Rolls, that he acted in opposition to the cess [tax]. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, p126.]

1577 or 1578:   Nicholas White answered the allegations of the Attorney General of Ireland. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, p126.]

1578:  On 30/4/1578 Nicholas White, Master of the Rolls, provided answers to the information of Thomas Snagg, the Attorney, exhibited against him 17 April [1778?]. His [White’s] prayer to the council that if this answer do not clear him, they will certify his case and answer to the Queen. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, p132.]

1578:  Probably c 17/4/1578, and not in 1577 as recorded: Information [was] exhibited by Thomas Snagg, the A.G., to the Lord Deputy and Council against Nicholas White, Esq., for negligence in his office, whereby he has forfeited both the fee and the office. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, p126.]

1578:  On 5/5/1578, the Lord Deputy Sidney wrote from Dublin Castle to Burghley, thanking him for helping him to the payment of his last warrant. To give an audience to the bearer, Waterhous. Not to condemn him till he have [sic] answered N. White’s objections.  To help excuse his not coming over to the Queen. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, 5/5/1578, p133.]

1578:  Lease to Wm Pratt, Arland Uschere and Charles Hewet, of land in the manor of Esker, .. land in Donmanagh alias Donnamore, co Dublin [sic], in the tenure of Jenet Plounckett [Note Oliver Plunkett had land at Old Carton], possessions of John Burnell, attainted.  To hold for 21 years. [Fiant No 3319, Elizabeth I, dated 10/6/1578, cited in The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol. II, Dublin 1994.]

1578:  On 16/6/1578, N. White, the Master of the Rolls, wrote from Co. Kilkenny to the Queen [stating that he] has been sequestered [= isolated from temporarily] from the exercise of his office.[He asked] to be allowed to answer for anything he has done either touching her service, or, in private to the Deputy, for which he is troubled. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, 16/6/1578, p135.]

1578:  On 21/6/1578 the Treasurer, Fyton, wrote from Dublin to Burghley, thanking him for his letter of 26 May. [He] has not yet given N White the fruition of Burghley’s continued favour. Desires direction with the Treasurer. £10,000 committed to Mr Glascour. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, 21/6/1578, p136.]

1578:  On 21/9/1578, The Lord Justice Sir W Drury wrote to Burghley, commending the bearer [of his letter], N White, Master of the Rolls, to him. Drury also wrote to Walsyngham [citing] N White’s experience and perfect skill in the government of Ireland. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, 21/9/1578, p142.]

1578:  On 28/9/1578, at Dublin, the Lord Justice and Council to the Privy Council licensed Mr White, the Master of the Rolls, to repair to England. His clerks intrusted to make the estreats against [for the] next Michaelmas term. Enclosed was a petition of N White, Master of the Rolls, to the Lord Justice, Lord Chancellor, and Council of Ireland, to weigh the cause of his sequestration, to deliver the keys of his office and to license his repair to England. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, 28/9/1578, p143.]

1578:  Lease to Richard Manwaringe, gent, of the rectory of Lexlip, co Kildare, parcel of the possessions of the monastery of S Thomas the martyr by Dublin. To hold for 21 years at a rent of £8. [Fiant No 3405, Elizabeth I, dated 8/8/1578, cited in The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol. II, Dublin 1994.  This is a replica of fiant No 1077 of 1567]

1578:  On 28/9/1578, Sir Edward Fyton wrote to Burghley. Has not much treasure in hand. The sequestration of the bearer, N. White, was very hard and procured more by affection than cause. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, 28/9/1578, p143.]

1578:  On 10/10/1578 Lord Justice Drury and Fyton wrote to Burghley from Waterford [detailing] private quarrels between the Butlers and the Geraldines [persons and issues detailed]. Credit to the report of the bearer, Nicholas White, Master of the Rolls. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, 10/10/1578, p145.]

1578:  (undated):  Memorandum for the cause of the Master of the Rolls, Nicholas White, relating to the speeches of Snagg while in a great rage in the Chancery, in Michaelmas term, 1577; how he wrought White’s sequestration, and the enormous allowance to Fitzsimons. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, p151.]

1579:  On 9/4/1579 Notes were delivered to “your Honours” by Nicholas White, the Master of the Rolls, showing on how slight grounds and contrary to equity, Snagg had exhibited the information against him. The cause of the delay in making the estreats. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, 18/3/1579, p165.]

1579:  On 18/4/1579 Lord Justice Drury [wrote] to Walsyngham [noting that] the assistance and service of the Master of the Rolls [was] much needed. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, 18/4/1579, p166.]

1579:  On 25/4/1579 are recorded answers to allegations by Mr Attorney Snagg against N White Esq and notes to be remembered to Mr Secretary Walsyngham of the services of Nicholas White. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, 25/4/1579, p167.]

1579:  On 5/7/1579 At the Chancellor Gerrarde’s suggestion, Roger Maynwaringe, [aka Mainwaring] the Remembrancer, was proposed to be displaced from office to allow another have it. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, 5/7/1579, p171.]

May be related to Mainwaring of Leixlip at that time, or of Carton?

1579:  Memo of Lord Grey being sworn Lord Deputy on 7/9/1579 by Mr Nicholas White, Master of the Rolls, in St Patrick’s Cathedral, in the presence of Gerald, Earl of Kildare, the Lord Primate of all Ireland, the Lord Justice and divers others the peers and counsellors of the realm. The oath of office is cited. [James Morrin (ed), Calendar of the Patent and Close Rolls of Chancery in Ireland, Vol II, Elizabeth I, Dublin, 1862, no 10.] Lord Leonard Grey married into the house of Kildare and favoured them.

1579:  On 16/9/1579, Edward Waterhous wrote to Secretary Wylson from a camp near Carlow, noting that the engineer, Easton, has arrived at Waterford with another proportion [of munition from the Tower]. New soldiers were being trained with old ones at the camp. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, 16/9/1579, p187.]

1580:  By fiant No 3691, dated 16/3/1580, Elizabeth I granted to John Easton, engineer, a pension of £40 sterling, for life, payable out of the revenues of Connaught. [Fiants of Elizabeth I, No 3691, 1580, cited in Deputy Keeper of Public Records reports].

1580:  Clause contained in her Majesty’s instructions, directed to the Governor for the time being, for John Easton to have £40 sterling a year, in consideration of his service as a skilful engineer, and that he should continue in her Majesty’s service, under the Governor of Connaught -  31/3/1580, Elizabeth. [James Morrin (ed), Calendar of the Patent and Close Rolls of Chancery in Ireland, from the 18th to the 45th of Queen Elizabeth, Dublin, 1862, No 4.] His engineering services may have been those of a cannon maker. He is recorded here as a doubtful establisher of the Easton townland name in Leixlip.

1580:  On 19/5/1580 Treasurer Wallop [wrote] to Walsyngham from Limerick [stating that] N White, the Master of the Rolls, is wholly at Ormond’s devotion [= devoted to?]. He is a spy on all. He has a concordatum [= agreement, bet?] of 1,000 marks against precedent. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, 19/5/1580, p223.]

1580: On 24/5/1580 Nicholas Lumbard [wrote] to the Master of the Rolls, providing military intelligence. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, 24/5/1580, p224.]

1580:  On 31/5/1580 Nicholas White, Master of the Rolls, [wrote] to Burghley from Cashel with military intelligence. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, 31/5/1580, p225.]

1580:  On 18 & 25/6/1580 Treasurer Wallop [wrote ] to Burghley on “White’s unprecedented concordatum of 1,000 marks”. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, 18 & 25/6/1580, p228.]

1580:  On 11/7/1580 Treasurer Wallop [wrote]to Burghley, for N White, the Master of the Rolls, to have payment in England of £200, which cannot be without Burghley’s warrant. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, 11/7/1580, p232.]

1580:  On 22/7/1580 N White, Master of the rolls, wrote from Waterford to Burghley. A diary of the last journey. White sends as a present to Burghley Dr Sander’s “sanctus bell and another top after the manner of a crosse supporting a booke”. White and Pelham gather cockles for supper. An extensive discussion of local Irish names and their meaning from White. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, 22/7/1580, p235-6.]

1580:  On 17/8/1580, there is a record of Lady Agnes Campbell: she “make(s) a new Scotland of Ulster”. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, 17/8/1580]

1580:  On 1/8/1580 Treasurer Wallop [wrote] to Burghley about the allowance of the Master of the Rolls. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, 1/8/1580, p239.]

1581:  On 22/4/1581 N White [wrote]to Burghley from Dublin with more military reports and offering testimony in favour of Chief Justice Nicholas Nugent. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, 22/4/1581, p300.]

1581:  On 9/12/1581 Deputy Grey [wrote] to Walsyngham from Dublin, commending Waterhous [&?] N White. The ‘searchership’ [??] of Dublin. Walshngham’s assurance of his pay. [Partly in cipher]. Included was a copy of Deputy Grey’s letter to Queen Elizabeth. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, 9/12/1581, p332.]

1581:  On 9/12/1581 Nicholas White, Master of the Rolls, wrote from Dublin to Burghley. The miseries of these wars. The wild Irish will be glad to see these descended of English blood weakened. In loses [= loose papers?]: a schedule of the rebels executed, with their ages, dwelling places and haviour [sic]. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, 9/12/1581, p332.]

1581:  On 10/12/1581 a record of the part played by Lady Agnes Campbell, daughter of Archibald Campbell, 4th Earl of Argyle, widow of James O’Donnell and wife of Turlough Lynagh O’Neill, in the war in Ulster where around Lough Foyle O’Neill had an army of 2,400 men. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, 10/1/1581, p333.]

1581:  On17/12/1581, N. White, Master of the Rolls, wrote from St Katherine’s to Walsyngham, indicating that the bearer, Brereton, his wife’s uncle, is greatly pitied for his losses sustained by the O’Conors. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, 17/12/1581, p336.]

1581:  On 23/12/1581 Nicholas White, Master of the Rolls, wrote from St Catherine’s to Burghley: This violent government will waste the revenue, depopulate the Pale, weaken the English nobility, and avail the wild Irish. The seed of English blood is a strong garrison for the Crown, without pay… The bearer,  Mr Aylmer. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, 23/12/1581, p336.]

1582:  On 31/3/1582, Nicholas White, Master of the Rolls, wrote from Dublin to Burghley. The comfort of his letters. His allowance.  Many things worthy [of] reformation in the late Treasurer’s accounts..  Concordatum of £1000 allowed to Col Zouche for taking Sir John of Desmond’s head. The Master of the Ordnance to have some of the attainted lands. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, 31/3/1582, p337.]

1582:  On 25/5/1582 Nicholas White, Master of the Rolls, [wrote] to Burghley. Her majesty’s clement and merciful disposition towards her people is the greatest comfort that ever came over this land. Elizabeth the amor Hiberniae above all the Princes that ever reigned. To further the matter of cess. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, 25/5/1582, p369.]

1582:  Appointment of captain Wm Collyer to the command of the forts and countries of Leix and Offaly and the defence of them against the O Conors and other rebels, in the absence in Mounster of captain John Zouche, lieutenant of these forts. [Fiant No 4044, Elizabeth I, dated July 1582, The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol II, Dublin 1994].

1582:  On 14/9/1582 Nicholas White, master of the rolls, wrote from Dublin to Burghley, referring to White’s only daughter, Mrs Darcy of Platten [Platin? Duleek, Co Meath?]. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, 9/12/1581, p398.]

1583:  On 6/2/1583, the Lord Justice wrote from Dublin to Walsyngham: the O’Conors, O’Mores, etc. overburden the country, eating by day and stealing by night. Christopher Eustace, Daaryus O’Dempsie, and three other thieves, apprehended by the Master of the Rolls.. Several executed. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, 6/2/1583, p427.]

1583:  On 7/2/1583, Wallop wrote, from a Dublin address, to Walshyngham [referring to] Ordmond’s demand for a custodiam of Desmond’s lands. Ormond is already too great for Ireland. The Master of the Rolls [Nicholas White], in his plats [= secret plan, or plan of land ownership], desires a great interest in the lands of Baltinglas. N White “hathe the castell of Lyslyppe with a goodly manor unto yt in fee farme, for a very small rent, which castell, by ancyent lawes of this land, ys not to be injoyed by any borne in the land.  This I conclude, there ys not a malytyuser man in this land to owr natyon, nor a greter Ipocryte and desembler [= person who conceals his motives], and therefore I beseche you crosse him what you can; he hathe well gayned allredye, to brynge his lyvynge from lyttell or nothynge to be worthe a thowsand pounde a yere off the Quene’s lande. The cawse that moved him to apprehend the bad fellowes we comende him for in owr joynt letter, grywe by menes that I dyd openly in counsell, the ende of the last terme, charge him upon his evell delynge with us bothe in impognying and crosynge owr doynges, that he was a comon advocate for traytors and evell men, that he never aprehendyd, or cawsed to be aprehendyd, anye traytor, rebell, or evell dysposed parson, nor ever woulde come to the examynatyon or araynement off any traytor or conspyrator.”  White ordinarily gives Burghley secret informations against the Governors. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, Elizabeth 1574-1585, London, 1867, 7/2/1583, p428.]

 

 

1583:  On 9/2/1583, N. White, Master of the Rolls, [wrote] to Burghley [from Dublin stating that] the chiefest of the O’Conors have [sic] submitted. The Kavanaghs. [He also referred to] His plat for inhabiting Baltinglas. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to , Elizabeth 1574-1585, London , 1867, 9/2/1583, p428.]

 

1583:  On 12/2/1583, Lord Justice Chancellor [and Archbishop of Dublin] Loftus wrote to Burghley [from St Sepulchre’s palace] commending the plat offered by the Master of the Rolls [White]. [He adds that] the last rebellion of the Byrnes and Tooles [was] bred by the disordered government of the Seneschals, who determine all things according to their own will. He enclosed 1. Device for the inhabiting of Baltinglas and quieting of Low Leinster. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to , Elizabeth 1574-1585, London , 1867, 12/2/1583, p428.]

 

1583:  On 15/2/1583, N White wrote to Burghley from Dublin , commending the bearer, his nephew, Lumbarde. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to , Elizabeth 1574-1585, London , 1867, 15/2/1583, p428.]

 

1583:  On 29/6/1583 Nicholas White, master of the rolls, wrote from Connall, co Kildare, to Burghley, commending the bearer, Richard Hynds [= Hynes, Hines], to be employed as a household servant or retainer. His valiant conduct for White on one occasion. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to , Elizabeth 1574-1585, London , 1867, 29/6/1583, p454.] 

 

1583   On 24/8/1583, N White wrote from Connoll in co Kildare to Burghley, stating that he had spent a fortnight with Ormond.  Money, friendship and favour was used to procure the apprehension of Desmond. Suit for part of his concordatum. Sir H Harrington is displeased that White should be a competitor for Baltinglas. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to , Elizabeth 1574-1585, London , 1867, 24/8/1583, p464.]

 

1583:  On 21/9/1583, N White, Master of the Rolls, wrote from Carrig, to Burghley. Great assembly at the christening of the young Lord Butler etc… [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to , Elizabeth 1574-1585, London , 1867, 21/9/1583, p470.]

 

1583:  On 15/10/1583, N White, Master of the Rolls, wrote from St Katherine’s to Burghley. He supplied intelligence details. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to , Elizabeth 1574-1585, London , 1867, 15/10/1583, p473.]

 

1583:  On 18/11/1583 N White, Master of the Rolls, wrote from Dublin to Burghley conveying news of the deaths of Desmond and the Baron of Leitrim. (Desmond was killed on the 11th, and Burghley had already been informed by Ormond on 15th). White enclosed a letter of 16th which Ormond sent him from Kilkenny, of the traitor’s end: “I know you have looked longe for this foolish traytor’s ende, and therfor I send yourself these feaw lynes. A happye conclusion sent by God in despite of lieng maliciose knaves that in shamles sorte wold wryte lies toching the service and state of Mounster”. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to , Elizabeth 1574-1585, London , 1867, 18/11/1583, p479.]

 

1584:  On 5/4/1584, N White, Master of the Rolls, wrote to Burghley from Dublin with war and other reports. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to , Elizabeth 1574-1585, London , 1867, 5/4/1584, p505.]

 

1584:  By fiant no.4389, dated 20/5/1584, Elizabeth I granted a pardon to Nicholas White, Master of the Rolls, and all seised to his use; of all alienations and intrusions in the manor of Lexlipp, the mill there, the lands of Lexlipp, Neweton, Stacomney, Balmadure, and Adericke, in the barony of Sawte [sic], co. Kildare, the house or town of S. Katheryn’s, co. Dublin, and the lands of S. Katherin’s, Lexlipp, Confie and Collen-blakeston, counties Dublin and Kildare, the rectory of Baltinglasse, with its glebes and tithes in cos Kildare, Dublin and Carlow.  Great Grange alias Grangemore, co. Kildare, the house of White’s hall in Knocktaffer, and the lands of Knocktoffer, etc, co. Kilkenny. Fine £8. [Fiants of Elizabeth I, No 4389, 1584, cited in The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol. III, Dublin 1994.]

 

1584: Surrender by Margaret Manwaring alias Nevell, of Dublin , widow of Richard Manwaring, late of Lexlipp, Co Kildare, gent, of the rectory of Lexlipp, held under fiant No 3405. [Fiant No 4382, Elizabeth I, dated 13/5/1584, Vol II, cited in The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol. III, Dublin 1994.]

 

1584:  Lease under commission, 15/7/1580, to James Ryan, of Dublin, gent, of the rectory of Lexlipp, co Kildare, parcel of the possessions of the monastery of S Thomas the martyr, Dublin . To hold for 21 years. Rent, £8, part in corn. Fine £4. [Fiant No 4430, Elizabeth I, dated 8/6/1584 cited in The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol. II, Dublin 1994.]

 

1584:  Lease under queen’s letter of 30/6/1582, to Alice Heron alias St Lawrence, late wife of George FitzGerald, deceased, now of Wm Heron of Kilmynane, land [inter alia] of Donnaghmore alias Donamore, co Meath [sic], .. parcel of the lands of Thos Eustace, of Cardifton, attainted. To hold for 40 years, Clane immediately, the rest from the end of the interests in being. [Fiant No 4435, Elizabeth I, dated 15/6/1584, cited in The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol. II, Dublin 1994. Fiant No 3319 of 1578, is cited as being connected. This is hinting at the Grange William -Donaghmore lands.]

 

1584:  On 12/7/1584 the Lord Deputy, at his oath-taking, knighted Sir N. White et al. He later records, on 2/4/1575, the reason for the knighthood: that he disspends [sic] yearly above 1,000 marks! [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to , Elizabeth 1574-1585, London , 1867,12/7/1584, p518]

 

1584:  On 18/9/1584 Elizabeth I granted a pardon to Matthew Allen [sic] of Lexlip. Provided he attends at the commissioners of the county within 6 months and gives security to keep the peace and attend the sessions when called upon. Provided that the pardon shall not extend to any who have committed murder or treason or who unlawfully heard or celebrated mass. [Fiant of Elizabeth, no. 4517, cited in 13th Report of the Deputy Keeper of Public Records in ].

 

1584:  On 20/10/1584, Sir N White, Master of the Rolls, [wrote] to the Burghley. His labour for peace.  Money. Incloses: a copy of a letter he, White, sent on 16/9/1584 from Connall, to the Lord Deputy. Relates his service in the Leinster circuit. The chieftains of all the Irishry remained with him. “Such as were found to be rangers and masterless men I left in prosecution by common consent of the rest, without any danger of disturbance to the quiet of the country. The number of prisoners in this circuit was 181, whereof were executed 48 by the trial of their own nation, and of those there were two principal gentlemen of the Kavanaghs, by whose attainder Her Majesty is entitled to a country of three miles long and three miles broad called the Leveroke, and also 16 towns standing upon the river Barrow, adjoining the house of Leighlin, where the boats passing that river were continually robbed by those wicked inheritors. I ordered many complaints of the Irish Lords against the extortion of Sheriffs and other officers, greatly to their contentment. I was at Ballynecor, Feagh McHugh O’Byrne’s chief house, standing at the mouth of the Glynn, where law never approached; he used me with many speeches and signs of great obedience, and would willingly have answered the sessions but for offending his captain. I have observed both the man and his country, as I will inform your Lordship myself. The best of the Byrnes appeared before me to inquire for Her Majesty and delivered up their presentments, seeming very desirous to be only governed by the indifferent administration of justice”.  Has arrested a seditious messenger from . [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to , Elizabeth 1574-1585, London , 1867,20/10/1584, p531]

 

1585:  By letter of 2/4/1585 Perrot [the Lord Deputy] explained why he knighted N White and Edward Waterhous: each spends over 1,000 marks yearly!. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to , Elizabeth 1574-1585, London , 1867, 2/4/1585, p558]

 

1585:  On 7/6/1585 Sir N White, Master of the Rolls, wrote from Dublin to Burghley. For payment to the widow of Sir James Dowdall, who was a grave judge and a great stay in the North. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to , Elizabeth 1574-1585, London , 1867,7/6/1585, p566]

 

1585:  On 20/6/1585 Sir N White, Master of the Rolls, wrote from Dublin to Burghley, thanking him for payment of his money.

 

[HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to , Elizabeth 1574-1585, London , 1867, 20/6/1584, p569].

 

1585: On 20/6/1585 Sir N White, Master of the Rolls, wrote from Dublin to Walsyngham thanking him for the recommendation and good opinion of his son. “I wish rather that he had given himselfe to sytt at his study in Lincolles In; then to exercise his legges at Court”. The Lord Deputy has recommended his service. His suit [=petition] touching the abbey of Connall. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to , Elizabeth 1574-1585, London , 1867, 20/6/1584, p569]

 

1585:  A Composition Book of the province of Connaught and Thomond. This book contains the Commission, 15 July 1585, the return of Byngham and the Commissioners, 3 October 1585. The abstract of the composition, which was returned into the Court of Chancery in . It contains the names of 41 Macs and 26 O’s, who surrendered their Irish names and customs of inheritance and received their castles and lands by patent to them and their heirs in English succession. Amongst these Mac’s are:  McWilliam, McNeMarra Fynn, McWalter, McHughe, McEdmonde, McThomas, McDermott, McConnell, McKeallye [=Keally], McBranan [=Brennan], McCostolowe, McJordan, McLoughlin. And among the O’s are: O’Rourk, O’Connor, O’Kelly, O’Flaherty, O’Male [=O’Malley], O’Heyne [= Hynes?], O’Dowd, O’Naughtyne, O’Loughlin, O’Byrne, O’Flynne, O’Hartye,  etc.. [HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of State Papers relating to , Elizabeth 1574-1585, London , 1867, 3/10/1585, p582-3]

 

NOTE:  NO VOLUME OF THE CALENDAR OF STATE PAPERS ETC FOR PERIOD, 1586-87 WERE TO HAND AT MAYNOOTH..  FIANTS OF ELIZABETH I FOR THIS PERIOD ARE IN LUCAN LIBRARY.

 [a full set of the Tudor Fiants are also available in the Local Studies Dept. Newbridge - Mario Corrigan] 

 

 

 

 

'The rivalry is terrible' - GAA action in Kildare a century ago

Leinster Leader 15 March 2007

‘The rivalry is terrible’ – GAA action in Kildare a century ago

by

LIAM KENNY


With the arrival of spring a young man’s fancy turns to … sport. Yes the advent of the spring brings a ramping up of interest in sports coverage. Already there is speculation about teams and managers for the GAA senior championships with many column inches being devoted to news from the various county training grounds. And already the pundits and analysts are pondering their commentaries for another memorable year of championship action.

And it was no different 100 years ago this month with the columns of the Leinster Leader of March 1907 bringing news from the sports grounds of the province. Pride of place in the sports columns went to the paper’s idiosyncratic GAA columnist who wrote under the pen-name of ‘Thigeen Roe’.  Famous for a freewheeling style of writing which took swipes at county boards, players and referees with great abandon he focussed his March 30 column on looking forward to the Kildare Senior Championship final which would sees Roseberry versus Lord Edwards at the Athy Gaelic grounds. 

Sparing nothing in terms of whipping up atmosphere ‘Thigeen Roe’ declared that ‘the Gaels of Kildare may rest assured that given a fine day, the match will be absolutely the best ever played in Ireland.’  Piling on the hyperbole he continued ‘the rivalry between both teams is terrible’ but ‘notwithstanding the intense rivalry between the teams, both are perfectly disciplined, so that however intense may be the excitement, the match is bound to be fought to a bitter and gallant conclusion.’

Not content with building up excitement for the match he also had advice for the public transport companies of  the time advising them to lay on an ‘extra large’ special train to Athy because ‘ for the last eight weeks nothing Gaelic has been seriously mentioned in Kildare except the match for the final.’  And in a revelatory insight into the drawing power of even a county final in 1907 he said that large numbers would come from beyond the county boundary: ‘Nor is the interest merely local. Both teams have reputations far beyond Kildare, and a good crowd of metropolitan Gaels are sure to make the journey.’

Moving to the inter-county stage the columnist showed a defiant attitude to potential challengers which the Kildare county team might meet in the national championships.  He noted that there was rumour abroad that in the Munster Football Championship Limerick had been awarded a walk-over against Kerry by the Munster Council.  ‘Thigeen Roe’ was happy to say that there was no truth in this story and that Kerry and Limerick were due to meet on 7 April. He predicted that ‘the men from the Kingdom will, in all probability, qualify to fight out the All-Ireland once again with Kildare’.   With a bravado seldom available to modern chroniclers of Kildare GAA fortunes he concluded that a Kerry win would be a fine outcome for the Lilywhites because ‘ If Kildare won the All-Ireland without meeting Kerry or a better team, the honours would be comparatively barren. I am delighted beyond measure to have an opportunity of avenging the defeat of two years ago.’

One quality that the columnist was not lacking in was certainty – the following was his verdict on the prospect of the Lilywhites facing the men from the Kingdom: ‘ I have full confidence that whatever team Kildare puts on the field will win … Gaelic footballers are well-nigh at that perfection in Kildare beyond which it is humanly impossible to advance.’

Such unbridled confidence in the potential of the county team emphasises the esteem in which the Lilywhites were held among the GAA fraternity nationwide in the early decades of the twentieth century … an appropriate thought given that 2007 marks the 80th anniversary of Kildare’s second last All-Ireland win in 1927.

 

 

Compiled by Liam Kenny from the rich resource of the Leinster Leader files, Local Studies Dept., Kildare County Library. Series No. 7.

The third instalment for March from Liam Kenny's article 'Nothing New Under the Sun,' from the Leinster Leader concerns G.A.A. reporting from 1907. Out thanks to Liam.

How the Leader brought General Election news – 50 years ago.

 Leinster Leader 8 March 2007

 

How the Leader brought General Election news – 50 years ago.

 by

 

 

LIAM KENNY

 

Has it been five years since the last General Election? The half-decade since 2002 has flown with many crises and controversies serving to accelerate the passage of the tenure of the 29th Dail Eireann.  Now as the statutory five-year deadline approaches the voters of Kildare will be treated to a torrent of canvassing and campaigning. For some it’s a necessary evil, for others it’s all part and parcel of our hard-won democracy.

Exactly fifty years ago the Kildare electors were faced with similar choices with the country in election mode. But there was a big difference in how the election results were conveyed nationally and locally: this was before the era of the rolling RTE Election night coverage pioneered later in the 1960s by the likes of presenter Brian Farrell and analyst Basil Chubb. Instead it was the printed medium which conveyed the breaking news of the election results. And the Leinster Leader was not found wanting – in its front page dated 9 March 1957 it gave the latest intelligence on the nationwide counts before the paper went to press on the Thursday evening (a contrast with today’s pattern where Tuesday evening is the deadline).

Although 17 seats had yet to be filled at that point it was clear that Fianna Fail was heading for a spectacular majority in the 147 seat Dail with seats returned as follows:  Fianna Fail 70 seats; Fine Gael 34; Labour 11; Clann na Talmhan 3; Clann na Poblachta 1: Sinn Fein 4 and Independents 7.  The inclusion of Sinn Fein in the listing may come as a surprise to those who assume the party’s electoral involvement is of recent vintage while the 1957 election marked the last prominence for Clann na Talmhan and Clann na Poblachta, two small but vigorous parties which had captured national attention in the lean 1940s.

For Leinster Leader readers the big news was how close Fianna Fail came to snatching a second seat in the three-seat Kildare constituency. The formula of one FF TD, one FG and one Labour had been a constant in the constituency since the 1920s and, as any student of electoral arithmetic will verify, a change in a three seat constituency requires a seismic upheaval in voter preferences. While the party outcome stayed the same in Kildare (by the narrowest of margins) there was a significant change in personnel on the Fianna Fail side.

There were four candidates going into the election: the three outgoing TDs – Tom Harris (Caragh) of Fianna Fail, Ger Sweetman (Kill) of Fine Gael, Labour’s Billy Norton (Naas), and a second FF candidate in the person of national teacher Patrick Dooley (Athy). Not quite a dark horse the latter had contested the General Election of three years previously but had polled well behind his party colleague – War of Independence veteran Tom Harris.

The highest ranking of the sitting TDs was Bill Norton who was Tanaiste and Minister for Industry and Commerce in the outgoing Government. Indeed, County Kildare was impressively well represented at the Cabinet table as Ger Sweetman was Minister for Finance. This was one of the rare occasions in Irish political history where the holders of the second and third most influential Government positions hailed from the same constituency.

With such a highly-geared Cabinet representation it was a reasonable bet that Fine Gael and Labour in Kildare would hold their positions against any national swing towards Fianna Fail. But quite how close the county’s voters came to triggering an election upset is a story that we will return to in a later column as we reflect on the coincidence of General Elections fifty years apart – 1957 and 2007.

 

 

 

 


Compiled by Liam Kenny from the rich resources of the Leinster Leader files,Local History Department, Kildare County Library. Series No.6.



The second instalment for March from Liam Kenny's regular column 'Nothing New Under the Sun.' Our thanks to Liam.

The art of the obituary – local lives honoured in print

Leinster Leader 1 March 2007

The art of the obituary – local lives honoured in print

by

LIAM KENNY

All human life is recorded within the pages of newspapers. In bygone years local newspapers gave many column inches to weddings and to obituaries. And indeed in the society columns in the early years it was not unusual to see colourful reports of christenings and of engagements. Trends in social coverage have changed– no longer is it common to see detailed wedding reports in the local notes with admiring descriptions of the bridal fashion! However obituaries remained an enduring feature of the local paper. Although sad reading for immediate relatives the obituaries also brought a sense of pride to family circles and represented local journalism at its best, emphasising that the passing of a life was worth recording through the permanence of the printed word.

In the Leinster Leader of 2 March 1957 one of a number of obituaries relates to a Mr. Frederick Stockton. The recitation of his life and career is a reminder that Co Kildare men in uniform traversed the globe. We learn that the late Frederick Stockton was born in Naas Military Barracks (now occupied by Kildare County Council’s spectacular headquarters) where his father had been manager of the Royal Dublin Fusiliers canteen, which regiment the deceased joined.  The reader of 1957 ws transported back over fifty years previous as the obituary relates how Mr.  Stockton had ‘fought in the Boer War and also the First World War’. He was stationed in India and in Africa and finally returned to the Dublin Fusiliers depot in his native Naas where he resided through a long retirement.

The obituarist skilfully drew a character sketch of the old soldier. We learn that he was an energetic man, acting for many years as ‘drag’ for the Naas Harriers. And his early army training continued to be of service to the community -  ‘ A regular worshipper in St. David’s Church, Naas, he was always respected as an old reliable to assist in preparations for parochial functions when his military technique in making much out of little was of no small advantage’.

Another obituary in the same column casts light on a contrasting aspect of modern Irish history with a notice concerning the death of Mrs. Sarah Burke of St. Brigid’s Terrace, Naas.  It was noted that she was the widow of William Burke ‘who was well known as a composer of ballads, and of patriotic songs’. The tributes continued in a following item reporting the vote of sympathy at that week’s meeting of Naas UDC where Cllr. Jack Lawler said that Mrs. Burke’s late husband ‘was a sterling Nationalist and was an old Gael and well-known figure in Naas.’ We learn that he was better known as ‘the Bard’ and had done a term in gaol with other townspeople during the Land Agitation at a time when, the speaker noted pointedly,  ‘ a gaol term was not as popular as it proved afterwards’. 

 By recording such references the newspaper has given the modern reader an insight into the life and times of the locality in the late 1800s when land agitation manifested in controversial local incidents. As with Mr. Stockton whose army service in the imperial cause recalls Kildare’s place in military heritage, the references to the late William Burke highlight the often overlooked nationalist influences in the county.

 Both items reiterate the value of a well-crafted  newspaper obituary as a tribute to the deceased, as a source of pride to the family, and as an enduring record for readers in years to come by recording insights into local lives -  insights which would not be easily recreated from any other source.

 

 
Compiled by Liam Kenny from the rich resources of the Leinster Leader files, Local Studies Dept., Kildare County Library. Series No. 5.

The first instalment for March from Liam Kenny's regular column 'Nothing New Under the Sun.' Our thanks to Liam.

April 21, 2007

Reporting elections fifty years ago

Leinster Leader 22 February 2007

Reporting elections fifty years ago

by

LIAM KENNY


As the country is animated by General Election fervour it is valuable to recall the Kildare dimension to a previous General Election, that of 1957.   In an era before televised party political broadcasts and the sophisticated spin-doctoring characteristic of modern campaigning the local paper was the main conduit for politicians trying to win the hearts and minds of the county electorate.  And 1957 was no exception with  the big names of the day,  Ger Sweetman of Fine Gael and Labour’s Billy Norton  (both Ministers in the outgoing 1954-57 interparty government) and Tom Harris of Fianna Fail, making their pitches  to the Kildare voters.  The Leinster Leader of 23 February 1957 carried reports of campaign speeches made by the three.

Showing great ecumenism the Editor of the day  printed the statements in parallel columns on the same page.

Speaking deep in  Kildare tillage country at Ballymount (south of Kilcullen).  Tom Harris TD of Fianna Fail said that ‘ whatever faults people might find with Fianna Fail they realised that it was the only party that could give the people an assurance of a united Cabinet’. He aimed to discredit the coalition arrangement which had governed for the previous three years. He said that the ‘splinter parties forgot their supporters when the political bargaining began’. Targeting the farming vote he said that in 1954 the coalition parties had promised the wheat farmers guaranteed prices. However, according to Harris, the coalition had not told the farmers that guaranteed prices would also mean lower prices. In an echo of the modern controversy over public service benchmarking payments, he said that money destined for farmer subsidies had been taken for increases in Civil Service wages promised on the eve of the previous 1954 election.


The difference between entering an election in government and in opposition was highlighted in the content of a speech made by Gerard Sweetman TD, Minister for Finance in the 1954-57 government. His statement, delivered in Celbridge, contained little rhetoric but concentrated on tangible achievement.  He pointed out that Backweston Farm near Celbridge had been purchased by the Government for the establishment of a seed trials farm. He outlined that its main function would be the propagating and testing of new crop varieties. (In modern times Backweston has been further developed as the impressive new home of the State Laboratories).  Continuing with an appeal to farmers he added that over 200 Kildare farmers had benefited from a land reclamation scheme for which he took some credit ‘ of the moneys so spent half of it was found by me since I became Minister for Finance in June, 1954’.

Speaking at a meeting in Naas,  Bill Norton TD, Tanaiste and  Minister for Industry & Commerce, concentrated on jobs and prices.  He said that there was no shortage of public works to be done yet there was also considerable unemployment.  He said it was ‘simply absurd’ that they could not marry up the two things.  He also pointed to success for Labour policy in holding down the prices of household necessities. The price of bread, flour and sugar had been held stable for over two years while butter had come down by 5d per pound and the price of tea was also scheduled to be cut back the following week.

We will return to the General Election of 50 years ago in a forthcoming column.

 

 


Compiled by Liam Kenny from the rich resources of the Leinster Leader files, Local Studies Dept., Kildare County Library & Arts Service, Newbridge.


First published in Leinster Leader 22 February 2007



The last instalment for February from Liam Kenny's regular column 'Nothing New Under the Sun.' Our thanks to Liam. 

Sampling whiskies requires time, endurance... and balance

Sampling whiskies requires time, endurance... and balance

by

LIAM KENNY

There are times when readers of the Leinster Leader might despair at the goings on of their elected representatives and wonder if they have their priorities in order. But readers in Celbridge in February 1907 would have been reassured by a report of the Celbridge Board of Guardians who spent the greater part of their meeting discussing … the quality of whiskey being supplied to the Celbridge workhouse.  In a report headed ‘ Sampling the Whiskey’ one of the Board members, a Mr. Ronaldson, advised that there was no need to advertise for samples of whiskey. Clearly a man who knew his spirits he continued ‘ The brands of whiskies should be selected and a special quality advertised for, say Jameson’s five year or Power’s same age.’

But the Board chairman Mr. J. Field argued for a wider selection in case Powers and Jameson were given an unfair advantage over other Irish distillers. He added that there was plenty of expertise on the board to help choose the best product ‘ There should be some gentlemen about the Board who would be able to well sample and select the  best whiskey’. Warming to the task his colleague Mr. Ronaldson responded ‘ So many samples have to be gone through that before the last one is reached one can hardly make an intelligent selection’ .

The whiskey sampling issue was one of three matters reported: it occupied six  paragraphs; the other items, one about clothing and bedding and the other about the Board’s overdraft, occupied just one paragraph each. Clearly the Celbridge board of guardians had their priorities right!

Liquid of a less spirited quality accounted for a lengthy article the same week when the pride of Athy Town Council in its new water scheme was outlined in an item described as ‘ Special to the Leinster Leader’. The report recalled the history of efforts to bring a sound water supply to Athy with fourteen or fifteen schemes having been examined since 1898. The flat landscape surrounding Athy for miles meant that that there was no head of pressure for delivering a supply to the town from a source in this terrain.  To the west of Athy there were  peatlands extending towards Kildangan but  this source was also ruled out because of its excessive peaty consistency as the special correspondent noted solemnly ‘ As is well known, peaty water may cause various serious diseases in the human system. Its action in dissolving lead pipes has often caused serious epidemics of lead poisoning …’.

The solution to Athy’s water problems was found in the high ground of what were described in the paper as the ‘Queen’s County Hills’ – namely the hills around Wolfhill in Co. Laois.  Not alone was there a ‘ clear and copious flow of clear bubbling water’ issuing from the hill springs but the water was filtered through the coal seams of the Wolfhill colliery district producing a quality superior to anything available near Athy.  The upshot of all this investigation was the completion of a pipe network to bring ‘Queen’s County’ water across the county boundary into Athy; the clear coal-filtered water began to gush through the pipes after the official opening on the 7th February 1907. 

So with the Celbridge Board of Guardians agonising over whiskey quality for the workhouse patients and the Athy Town Council pioneering new water supplies, the people of those two Kildare towns could rest contented with the endeavours of their elected representatives of 100 years ago this month.

The third instalment from Liam Kenny's regular feature in the Leinster Leader - from 15 February 2007. Our thanks again to Liam.

Leixlip Chronology 1500 - 1549

Leixlip Chronology 1500  -  1549 

   

Compiled by

JOHN COLGAN      

1513:  Gerald, Earl of Kildare, deputy of the King, and who “built most of castles for Foreigners and broke down [most] castles of Gaidhil” died in Kildare, and was buried in Christ Church, Dublin, to the grief of Foreigners and Gaidhil after him. [Annals of Ulster, Vol III, p506, 1513.]

1518+:  Edward Harley, the 2nd earl of Oxford, came into possession of a manuscript of 191 folios, begun to be constructed in 1518 by Gerald fitz Gerald, earl of Kildare. It is a survey of the earl of Kildare possessions in that year and shortly thereafter.  The document, now called Harl. 3756, is at the British Library, London. The following extracts are taken from Crown Surveys of Lands 1540-41 with the Kildare Rental begun in 1518, Gearóid Mac Niochaill (Ed), IMC, Dublin 1992:

Contemporary spelling of local place names were as follows: The Syan (= Sion), Blakyston (= Blakestown), Donamore (= Donaghmore), Kelyston (= Kellystown). The earl of Kildare was the farmer of the tithes of half the tithes of Lucan, in the possession of Thomas Court. He owned the king’s land, [inter alia] the barony of Sault [= Salt]. A listing of the earl’s mills included: the mills of Maynoth [= Maynooth] set to porte [sic] at 390, then 400 peckes; the mill of Lucane [sic] set to John Savage at 320 then 340 peckes; and the mill of Kyldroght [= Kildrought] set for 240 or 200 peckes to Jamys Boys, Patrike O Doyne and Manus O Doyne. The tenants were required to do homage and show fealty to the lord in a prescribed way (p279, opus cit).
Lands which Gerald Earl of Kildare had rented out, beginning in the 10th year of Henry VIII (1518-19), included the lordship of Maynously [= Maynooth?] in the barony of Sawte aka Sault [= Salt]: First, Maynooth, containing 554 acres of arable land; 
then within Maynosly [sic] [inter alia]: The Carthyn [= Carton] and Waltereston 236 acre, £5 18s; Kellieston [= Kellystown] 66 acre, 33s; Revynsdale [= Ravensdale] 47 acre, 23s 6d; The Sian [= Sion] 60 acre, 30s; Blakiston 80 acre; The Watirtown 76 acre, 38s; Donamore 24 acre, 12s; White’s farm 24 acre, 12s.
In Lexlep [= Leixlip] a castle and 40 acres of land set out to Robert Usher, Dublin; was 3s 4d yearly; then 4 marks a term. Another item in the said town, one [changed to 6] holdings [actually called a ‘mese’ = high rocky tableland with precipitous sides] of 40 acres besides parks and gardens, beside the ‘chief’ 3s 4d [item]; two weirs; the holding by the church, 18d [changed to 3s 4d]; The ‘mese’ holding by the bridge, 18d; the ‘mese’ holding in the middle of the town, 14d; the ‘mese’ holding in the west end of the said Lexlep, 10d; ‘summa’ [= summary of what is known of a subject] beside the weirs in Lexlip, was 10s, then 20s 4d . Added on the margin: Upon the peck mill let this be queried or enquired into. [peck = 2 gallons or 8 quarts measure of volume]
In Kildrought, the manor of Kildroght, within the barony of Saulte [= Salt]. The castle town of Kildrought, 180 acres, £4 10s at term; Kilmacredoke [= Kilmacredock], 160 acres, £4; the mill, 180 peckes of wheat and malt, [inter alia].
 
Robert Usher’s castle was probably the Black Castle; James FitzGerald or another probably had Leixlip castle.

c1524:  Between 1523 and 1526 Brian O’Connor, lord of Offaly in 1520, married Lady Mary FitzGerald, daughter of the 9th Earl of Kildare. [Fiona Fitzsimons, ‘The lordship of O’Connor Faly, 1520-1570’ in Nolan & O’Neill (eds), Offaly History & Society, Dublin 1998, p210.]  This may partly account for Leisagh O’Connor living in Leixlip c1600, at the Black Castle.

1531:  On 12/4/1531, in a court or arbitration session, comprising Thomas Lutterell (the King's servant at his Courts in Ireland), Roger Bagge (Recorder of Dublin), Thomas Barby of Dublin (merchant) and Bartholomew of Corduff, (gent.), a dispute was settled between Margarat, wife to the late Sir Thomas Ffitzgerald, Knight, owner of the manor of Leixlip, and James Ffitzgerald, squire, brother and heir to Thomas, over the right to the manor of Leixlip together with the appurtenances in Ireland, and other property in England..  Margarat was awarded for her life the income of the manor of Leixlip, that is £20 per annum and ownership of the English property.  The manor of Leixlip then consisted of Lexlype [sic], Symonstown, the Newton, Colfich, Coghlanston, Stacumny, Aderge [=Aderrig] and Balmadur [PRONI, D/3078/1/10; MIC 541/6].

1531:  There were, in a list prepared for the Archbishop of Dublin, 13 churches in repair in the Deanery of Leixlip. [Cited in Archivium Hiberrnicum, Vol VIII, Maynooth, 1941, p1.] The deanery covered more than Leixlip and probably included: St Mary’s, Leixlip; Confey, Athdeirg, Donaghmore, Stacumny, Castledillon, Straffan, Taghadoe, St Wolstan’s, Donaghcumper and Kildrought. [See 1294].

1534:  Henry Duffe was elected abbot [of the Abbey of St Thomas the Martyr, Dublin].  On July 25th 1539 he made a surrender of the abbey and its possessions.  On September 10th an annual pension of £42 was granted to him and to James Cotterell, the former abbot, a pension of £10.  The abbot of this house was a baron of parliament, and laid claim to privileges in the manors of Donaghmore, near Grenock [now Greenoge, co Meath] Dunshaughlin, Brownstown, etc. [King, p193.] [Mervyn Archdall, Monasticum Hibericum: or a history of the abbeys, priories, and other religious houses in Ireland, Vol II, Dublin, 1879, p50.]

1534:  Lord Thomas FizGerald, nick-named Silken Thomas, renounced his allegiance to Henry VIII and began a rebellion. [Cited in MacLoughlin, Historic Dublin, p99]. [For a summary, see Paul M Kerrigan, ‘Castles and Fortifications of County Offaly, c.1500-1815’, in Nolan & O’Neill (eds), Offaly History & Society, Dublin, 1996, p394-5.]

1534: Gerald (Gearóid Óg) Fitz Gerald, 9th earl of Kildare, died in the Tower of London in September 1534.  His lands, and those of his followers were seized after they were attainted for treason. 
MS ref no.SP 65/3/2, PRO, London, cited in Crown Surveys of Lands 1540-41 with the Kildare Rental begun in 1518. Gearóid Mac Niochaill (Ed), IMC, Dublin 1992, provides an inventory of Leixlip and adjoining lands held by Fitz Gerald and his followers: 

Jacobus [= James] Fytz Gerald [sic] held the manor of Lexslype [= Leixlip]. The jurors appointed to do the survey deemed the principal house, the castle, to be in good and sufficient repair. William Harrold was tenant of 160 acres of arable land, 20 acres of pasture, 6 acres of wood and underwood at a rent of 106s 8d per annum. And the same Wm Harrold was tenant of one acre at 18d per annum. Matthew Kynge [= King] held one water mill which he was required to keep in repair at £4. And the said William also occupies one working fishery of the salmon leppe [=leap] valued at 6s 8d per annum. The total amount of the residential territory amounted to £9 14s 10d.

Freehold tenancies
Note: acknowledge help of Peter Duffy, Colaiste Chiarain, with the translation from the old Latin of the opening sentence in this text.

And there is in the villa of Leixlip 32 burgers and free tenants which have 32 properties fronting onto the street and 180 acres of arable land which they have freehold, the manner of payment being set down by the villa authority, which at the present time is a payment of of £10.
And Oliver Plonket, [Plunkett] soldier, occupies a freehold in the villa of Kylladowen [Kiladoon] of 120 acres of arable and pasture land, returning 26s 8d p.a. 
And John Ewstace (Eustace] occupies 120 acres of arable and pasture land in the villa of Possewykeston, returning 13s p.a. 
John Alen has [inter alia] 27 acres of arable land in the villa of Personston [Parsonstown], paying 1d p.a. 
And Jacobus [=James] Rerey holds [inter alia] 5 acres in the villa of Watersland [=Walterstown?] beside Lucan, paying 3s 8d p.a.  And John Ewstace [Eustace] has a licence for a pathway passing along from the villa of Consey [sic, =Confey] all the way to and from the villa of Lexelyppe, [sic] returning 6d annually.
And the same John Eustace was a freehold tenant in the villa of Donaghysland of 14 acres of arable land returning 15d p.a.  
And the aforementioned John Alen had a freehold of 9 acres of arable land in Symonston, returning 12d p.a. And Richardus Burnell was the free tenant for his life in the parish of Esker, occupying two acres of arable land, returning 16d p.a.
Note that other tenants included John & Robert Preston, Balscote; Richard Aylmer, Carysland and Thrystell; and Robert Hasguyll, Aderge [=Aderrig].

Aderyghe Villa [=Aderrig]
Thomas Burgens, or Burgez [= Burgess?] had a messuage with 48 acres arable and one pasture at 44s p.a.
[More here of a right of one plough in the corn nursery and elsewhere in the oats nursery and one sedge of 200 sods and on request one in the autumn and one hen on birthdays, amounting in total to 20d. [?] [No persons’ names mentioned].

Balmadore Villa
Richard Dowling of Stacumney held 18 acres of arable and half an acre of underwood, paying 16s p.a.

Stacumney Villa
William Harrold held one messuage, 78 acres of arable land paying 56s p.a., a there are 20 acres of common pasture which the tenants pay nothing for.

There is more, but not of Leixlip relevance.

1534-6:  Pardon of Sir James Fitz-Gerald, knight, of Leysleppe. Sept 11 [no year]. Henry VIII. [James Morrin (ed), Calendar of the Patent and Close Rolls of Chancery in Ireland, Vol I, Henry VIII, Edward VI, Mary & Elizabeth I, Dublin, 1861, no 60.]

1536:  Richard Weston was the last prior of St Wolstan’s. Extensive details of the priory’s possessions are cited, as they were being seized by Henry VIII.[Mervyn Archdall, Monasticum Hibericum: or a history of the abbeys, priories, and other religious houses in Ireland, Vol II, Dublin, 1879, p291-6.]

1536:  A William Harolde of Leixlip is said to be in the tenure of various pieces of land [Chief Remembrancer, cited in Ordnance Survey Letters, 1937, for Kildare, from Archdall's Monasticon Hibernicum]

1536:  The Prior and Convent of St Wolstan’s, in Ireland wrote to Crumwell [sic] praying him to move the King, Henry VIII, that their monastery may stand and not be suppressed. Report that it was intended for Alen, the Master of the Rolls. [Henry VIII, Vol III, 26/6/1536, cited in HC Hamilton (ed), Calendar of the State Papers relating to Ireland, 1509-1573, London, 1860.]

1536-7:  Presentation of Patrick McKeoghan to the vicarage of Donaghmore, in the diocese of Dublin, vacant by the death of Patrick McSolly, and belonging to the King’s presentation “ pro hac vice”, in consequence of the temporalities of the Archbishoprick being in the hands of the Crown. - undated. [James Morrin (ed), Extracts from Calendar of the Patent and Close Rolls of Chancery in Ireland, Vol I, Henry VIII, Edward VI, Mary & Elizabeth I, Dublin, 1861, no7.]

1537:  In this year  (1st May, 28 Henry VIII) Henry VIII decided that “for as much as the manor and lordship of Leislip [Leixlip] appurtenances, was, before the said gift [by Henry VII to Gerald Fitz-Geralde, then Earl of Kildare, on his marriage to Dame Elizabeth Saint John [in 1496], of the King’s antient inheritance, and for that the blood of the Geraldines is corrupted towards the Crown of England: Be it established and enacted by the authority of this present parliament, that the same gift, grant, and the letters patent thereupon, and every thing therein contained, from the first day of this Session of this present Parliament, be revoked, repealed, annulled and deemed void in law”.. saving to every person other than the said Sir James FitzGerald, all his rights etc which they had held as if this Act had never been made. [Patent and Close Rolls, Chancery, Ireland, p359-360, No 47; Act of Resumption, 28 Henry VIII.] Note that item (to hand) contains chronological order of occupancy of the manor and lordship since Henry VII gave the property to Gerald FitzGerald.

1537:  An Act resuming possession of the manor and lordship of Leislip, in consequence of the “corruption of the blood of the Geraldines”. Effectively gives something of the FitzGerald family lineage.
“Whereas King Henry VII, of most famous memory, father to our Sovereign Lord the King that now is, in consideration of the marriage had betwixt Gerald Fitz-Geralde, then Earl of Kildare, and Dame Elizabeth Saint-John, by his letters patent, did give and grant unto the said Earl and Dame Elizabeth, and the heirs male of their bodies lawfully to be begotten, the manor and lordship of Leislip, with the appurtenances, situate within the county of Kildare, in this the King’s land of Ireland; by force of which grant the Earl and his wife were thereof seized accordingly. After the Earl died, and the foresaid Elizabeth survived, and was seized and died seized of the aforesaid manor and lordship in her demesne as of fee tail; after whose death the same descended to one Henry Fitz-Gerald, son and heir to the said Elizabeth by the said Earl begotten; by force whereof the said Henry was thereof seized; after whose death the said manor and lordship descended to one Thomas Fitz-Gerald, as brother and heir male to the said Henry;  by force whereof the said Thomas was thereof seized in his demesne as of fee tail by the gift aforesaid; after whose death the said manor and lordship descended to one James Fitz-Gerald, as brother and heir male to the said Thomas, by gift of the aforesaid, by virtue of whereof the said James was and is thereof seized in his demesne as of fee tail by the gift aforesaid; for as much as the manor and lordship of Leislip with the appurtenances, was, before the said gift, of the King’s antient inheritance, and for that the blood of the Geraldines is corrupted towards the Crown of England: Be it established and enacted by the authority of this present Parliament, that the said gift, grant and the letters patent thereon, and every thing therein contained, from the first day of this Session of this present Parliament, be revoked, repealed, annulled, and deemed void in law; and that our Sovereign Lord King Henry VIII, by the Grace of God, King of England and France, and Lord of Ireland, shall, from the first day of the Session of this present Parliament, have and enjoy the same manor and lordship, to him, his heirs and successors, in the right of the Crown of England for ever; the said letters patent or any thing contained in the same, or any other Act or Acts had, made, or done, to the contrary thereof notwithstanding: saving to every person and persons, their heirs and successors, other than the said Sir James, his heirs and successors and such person and persons as claim to any other uses, all such right, title, interest, possession, leases, rents, offices, or other profits, which they had at the said first day of the Session of this present Parliament, or at any time before, in as large and ample manner as if this Act had never been had or made. Incorrectly said to be dated 1/5/1556 by the editor. [James Morrin (ed), Extracts from Calendar of the Patent and Close Rolls of Chancery in Ireland, Vol I, Henry VIII, Edward VI, Mary & Elizabeth I, Dublin, 1861, no 47.]

c1537:  Richard Foster holds a messuage with appurtenances at Lexlippe [Leixlip], 3s 4d.m cited in Wm Brabazon’s account dated 1549 of the revenues from the various lands in PRO, London SP65.3.2. The NLI reference of Brabazon’s paper is MS9005.

1538:  Surrender of the monastery or house of St Thomas the Martyr, Dublin, by Henry Duffe, abbot, with the consent of the convent .. including  four castles or forts, 50 messuages, 4 mills, one carrucate of land, 16 acres of meadow, 8 orchards, 30 acres of wood, 2 gardens, 12 acres of pasture, and 20s rent in Dublin; the manors, lordships, and cells of St Katherine [Lucan/Leixlip] and Kilrodry, the castle and lands of Kilrodry, Cromling and Kilmanagh, the churches of St Katherine and St James near Dublin”.. [In Patent Roll, dated 25/7/1539 of Henry VIII, cited by Anthony Elliott, JRSAI, Vol 22, 1892, p36.]

1538:   A 21-year lease was granted to John Alen [on Leixlip castle], who was also given St Wolstan’s Abbey at the same time. He lived at the latter place, which he renamed Alenscourt and a related Alen was given the Castle.

1538 & 1545-6:  Lease to the Hon John Alen, esq, chancellor; of the castle and manor of Lexlip alias Salmon-leap, lands, Lexlip, Aderge, Balmadure, Stacumny, Newtown, Keladowan, Possewykyston, Caresland, in the parish of Kildrought, and Confye, county Kildare, possessions of James Fitzgeralde, attainted; [and other lands not connected with Leixlip area] leased to the said Alen for 21 years, 4 December 1538. To hold for 10 years from 1558, at a rent of £32 6s 8d. 23 March xxxvii [=1545-6]. [Fiant No 478: The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol 1, 1521-1588, Dublin, 1994.]

1538-9:  Grant to John Alen, of Cowteshale, in the county of Norfolk, gent, Clerk and Master of the Rolls and Records of Chancery, of the site, circuit, and lands of the late monastery or priory of St Wulstans, the manor of Donaghcumper, and all hereditaments and possessions whatsoever spiritual and temporal in Donaghcumper, St Wulstans, lez Mochefeldes, and Waterfeldes, at St Wulstans aforesaid; and in Personeston, Stacumney, Bacbieston otherwise Backweston, Lexlip, Grangegorman, Rewe, Priorstown, etc. The advowsons and patronage of the churches or chapels of Donaghcumper, Stacumney, Killadown and Donaghmore; with all tithes, pensions, oblations, glebes, and other emoluments and profits belonging to the said churches, rectories, or chapels in the county of Kildare. To hold forever by the service of one knight’s fee, ‘as scutage runs’ [= in accordance with the standard fees in lieu of service]. Rent, £10. 1/12/1539. [James Morrin (ed), Extracts from Calendar of the Patent and Close Rolls of Chancery in Ireland, Vol I, Henry VIII, Edward VI, Mary & Elizabeth I, Dublin, 1861, No 47.]

 1538-9:  Surrender by Matthew King, of Dublin, of the manor and castle of Lexlip, otherwise the Salmon Leap, with all messuages, lands and tenements, in the towns and hamlets of Lexlip, Colfiche, and Meiston, which had been granted to the said Matthew for a term of 21 years;  and a certain parcel of meadow near “le Rewe”, next to “Prioreston meadowes”, belonging to the said manor of Leixlip, in the county of Kildare: and an inspeximus of a surrender to the King by John Alen, gent., Master of the Rolls, of the towns, hamlets, or messuages of Laghleneston, Porterston, Symondeston, and Galbegeston, and their appurtenances in the county of Kildare; also all messuages, lands, and tenements, in the same county which are parcel of the Manor of Lexlip, and which had been granted to the said Alen, for the term of 21 years. 22/8/1539. [James Morrin (ed), Extracts from Calendar of the Patent and Close Rolls of Chancery in Ireland, Vol I, Henry VIII, Edward VI, Mary & Elizabeth I, Dublin, 1861, no 62.]

c1538:  Warrant by Commission for a pension to Sir Henry Duff, late abbot of St Thomas Courte by Dublin of £42; to Sir James Cottrell, late abbot, a pension of £10 (in confirmation of a grant from the convent); to Sir John Brace, prior, a pension of 53s 4d, and to be curate of the church of  St Katherin by Dublin; to Sir John Butler, his “con-brother”, a pension of 40s, to be curate of St James by Dublin, and to have his orchard within the precinct of Thomas court; issuing from the parsonages of Grenoke, etc; and to Patrick Clyncher, “clerc of the organs”, a pension of £5 [see No 84] - dated 28 July xxxi [=1538]. [Fiant No 83, The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol 1, 1521-1588, Dublin, 1994.]

c1539:  Grant to Patrick Clyncher of a pension of £5, issuing from lands in the parish of Donaghmore by Grenoke, and from the rectory of Lucan; confirming a grant of the said pension with certain easements, made by the abbot and convent of St Thomas the Martyr by Dublin - 10 September, xxxi [=1539]. Note that in No 374, there is a lease to Thos Luttrell of Luttrelleston, knight, of Palmerstown [by the Liffey], by Grenoke. Was Grenoke a region along the Liffey?? [Fiant No 84, The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol 1, 1521-1588, Dublin, 1994.] Grenoke, now called Greenogue, Palmerstown and Donaghmore are near Ashbourne, co Meath.

1539:  Henry VIII commissioned Wm Brabason, under-treasurer; John Aleyn, chancellor; George, archbishop of Dublin; Robert Cowley, Master of the Rolls of Chancery; and Thos Cusack, esq, to investigate, inquire and search where there were any notable images or relics which the simple people were wont to lick, kiss, etc; to break them up and carry them off; also to receive, admit and take the surrender of any monasteries and religious houses for the king; and afterwards to dissolve these monasteries and to remove all goods and chattels and sell them and the lands, except silver and gold, jewels and ornaments, lead and bells and from the proceeds to pay off all debts and reasonable charges on these monasteries. They were to account for their actions before Sir Anthony St Leger, the Lord Deputy of the king. If the religious won’t resign freely and voluntarily their monasteries, they were to be suppressed utterly without any delay and dismiss without pension or gratuity any religious person who was subordinate. The proceeds were to be use to pay the wages of soldiers hired to fight James of Desmond and other rebels, and against O Neyll, O Donyll, O Brenne, O Connor, etc.

Of the parish churches or chapels of ease (as distinct from monastic churches) a list of moneys from sales of gold, silver, etc. includes 14s for Lady Chapel (=Blessed Mary of the Graces, nr Maynooth); 6s 9d from the parish church of Donaghcomper; only one chapel of St Livericus, near Dublin, was not identified. There was no mention of the chapels of Leixlip or Confey or Donaghmore, perhaps because they were under the aegis of the Augustinians of St Thomas’s Court, but so was Donaghcumper?

Under the heading, receipts from sales of goods of late monasteries, abbeys, priories and other religious houses dissolved: Kells, Mellifont, St Thomas’s Courte were included; no mention of St Wolstan’s or St Catherine’s directly; no mention of Confey abbey. The first two may be included with St Thomas’s Court. The first place was, in any case, leased to John Alen.

Under the heading, receipts from sales of goods of late houses of friars (inc hermits): friars at Clane, Naas, Kildare town, Castledermot, Athy, are mentioned; no mention of Leixlip area friars. The buildings of the friars’ house of Clane were taken away from there to the king’s manor of Maynooth to repair the same!

1540:  N B White (ed), Extents of Irish Monastic Possessions, 1540-41, published by the Irish Manuscripts Commission and gathered from MSS in the PRO, London; Dublin, 1943, contains information by county: The list of religious houses in co Kildare included St Wolstans’ Priory and the College of Maynooth. There is no mention of religious houses at Confey. In Co Dublin there is mention of the Abbey of St Thomas [which had been given St Catherine’s].

In respect of Aleston [probably Allenswood now, c86 statute acres], there were 40 acres arable and 4 acres of wood with the ville of St Katherine, worth 40s, and not included in co Kildare [as St Katherine’s is mostly in co Dublin.]

The rectory of Confey [p42] had tithes of 7 copules of grain, and £4 6s 8d, plus alterages of 6s 8d, total £4 13s 4d. This was reckoned with the rectory of Leslipp [Leixlip]. 

The rectory of Leslip [Leixlip] [p42-3] had tithes of 10 copules of grain, £6 13s 4d, and alterages worth 13s 4d, totalling £7 6s 8d.

“The tithes of Confey and Leslipe [Leixlip] are held from the late abbot pta [=for a term of years] by Nicholas Stanynghurst for £10 13s 4d. By composition sealed 5th April 1536 by Henry, late abbot, and the convent, Patrick Fynne and John Course chaplains and Barnaby Kinge are bound to find two priests to celebrate in the said churches, and they are to receive the altarages and the rest of the emoluments of these churches, and also 26s 8d from the convent during the life of the said P Fynne. [P Fynne was a canon of St Thomas’s Abbey, Dublin, and curate of Leixlip and Confey. He is described as ‘rector of Leixlip’ in an extract from Lord Loftus’s commonplace book, 1550-1, which contains information on earlier court cases from original records of the Remembrancer of the Exchequer; the Remembrancer’s function was to take back debts due to the Crown in certain circumstances; the source of this reference is Brian C Donovan & David Edwards, British Sources for Irish History 1485-1641, p63, Irish Manuscripts Commission, 1997.]

The Extents confirm the existence of a mill, most likely near Leixlip castle. Leixlip is variously called Layslipp, Leslipp, Lexlippe.  "Extent made at Maynooth 20 November 1540. Jurors [included] Alexander Thounder, William Pyppard, Richard and Henry Walssh.. V[illage or -ille] of Layslipp. One messuage; near the mill", inter alia (p.22). In another reference to St. Katherine's townland "near Salmon leap. 120 acres arable, 2 acres moor, 6 acres pasture; 11 acres timber and underwood; 3 cottages"  "...all were leased by the convent to Patrick Fynne late canon of the house per ind[enture] 6 April 1539, to hold for life without rent,..." etc. (p.28)

The Thunder family were in Leixlip at 1750. See St Mary's gravestone, Thomas and Joan (nee Levy), d. 1743 and 1750. The Walsh family are still extant in Leixlip.

The extent of St Katherine’s near Salmon Leap were: 120 acres of arable land, 2 acres of moor, 6 acres of pasture. William Cotterell, Richard Barrye [Barry] and Barnaby Kinge, 110s. 11 acres of timber and underwood, worth 20s; 3 cottages, 13s 4d; and customs, 3 hens and 3 hokedayes [????], 12d. Tithes, 2 copules of grain, 26s 8d. Altarage  6s 8d. Total £7 19s 8d. [checked at £8 17s 8d!]. All of the preceding were leased by the convent to Patrick Fynne, late canon of the house, per ind[enture] dated 6th April 1539, to hold for life without rent, on condition that his assigns duly provide the sacraments of the church and the cure of souls of the ville, and keep in repair the buildings of the ville, the houses and rooms of the rectory, and the chancels of the Church, during the life of the leasee. [p28-9]

The monastery [of St Thomas] was dissolved by surrender of Henry [Duff], last abbot, 25th July 1539. Receipts [from sale of disposable goods ?] £64 13s 4d. Deductions included, Patrick Fynne, curate of Leixlip and Confey, 26s 8d.

1540:  William Glascock, of Downe Hll, Essex, obtained a grant (of lands?) from Henry VIII on 8th June, 1540. He had sons, Richard, born 1547, Robert and Philip. Robert settled in Ireland, probably around 1570. From Robert is descended, probably after 3 generations, Francis Glascock of the Music Hall, Leixlip (c. 1740).

1541:  Lease to Thomas Alen, gent, of the manor of Kill, co Kildare, ... St Katherine’s and Alenston, Co Dublin; rectories of Kill… Co Kildare, and St Katherine’s, Co Dublin; possessions of the late abbey of Thomascourt, by Dublin. To hold for 21 years, at a rent of £25 18s 8d. - 16 August, xxxiii [=1541]. [Fiant No. 245, The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol 1, 1521-1588, Dublin, 1994.]

1541:  Grant to conventual persons of Thomascourte, by Dublin, of the pensions following:- [inter alia] Nicholas Wogan, 53s 4d, issuing out of Lexlyp, etc. - 12 October, xxxiii [=1541]. This suggests that Wogan and two others were given a pension after the granting of St Katherine’s to Thomas Alen. [Fiant No 256, The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol 1, 1521-1588, Dublin, 1994.]

1541:  The Augustinian priory at Great Connell, near Newbridge, was, under Walter Wellesley, Prior, suppressed in this year; Wellesley’s effigy is in St Brigid’s Cathedral, Kildare town. Great Connell was one of Nicholas Whyte’s possessions. [Con Costello, Kildare, Donaghdee, Co Down, 2005, p44].

1541-2: Examination and dispositions of witnesses, produced in Chancery, respecting an alleged feoffment [=formal transfer of freehold land] of the lands of Parsoneston, near the Newbridge, in the county of Kildare, by Richard Feypowe to Wm Tyrrell, clerk, and John Brown, of Braston; and to ascertain whether the said Wm survived the said John; and whether Wm released his interest in said lands to Feypowe, son and heir of said Richard Feypowe. The witnesses examined were Richard Pheypowe, of le Rothan, in the parish of Dunboyne, in the county of Meath, son and heir of Wm Pheypowe, late of le Rothan; Sir Thos Luttrell, knight, Chief Justice of the Common Bench; and Jas Tyrrell, son of Wm Tyrrell, late of the Nasse, clerk - July 1st, [no year]. [James Morrin (ed), Calendar of the Patent and Close Rolls of Chancery in Ireland, Vol I, Henry VIII, Edward VI, Mary & Elizabeth I, Dublin, 1861, No 97.]

1542-6:  Commission directed to Sir Anthony St Leger, Deputy of Ireland, John Alen, Gerald Aylmer, and Wm Brabazon, authorising them, in the King’s name, to sell and dispose of all the sites and possessions of friars houses in Ireland, with all their appurtenances; reserving a reasonable rent, to be paid to the Crown.  Signed, Marten, dated 1st Sept [no year] [James Morrin (ed), Calendar of the Patent and Close Rolls of Chancery in Ireland, Vol I, Henry VIII, Edward VI, Mary & Elizabeth I, Dublin, 1861, no 13.]

1543:  Walter Peppard was given a grant by the Crown to the lands of the Abbey of St Mary's, Dublin. [A. Peter, Dublin Fragments, 1926, Dublin, p40].

1545-6:  By fiant No 478: Lease to the Hon John Alen, esq, chancellor; of the castle and manor of Lexlip alias Salmon-leap, lands,
Lexlip, Aderge, Balmadure, Stacumny, Newtown, Keladowan, Possewykyston, Caresland, in the parish of Kildrought, and Confye, county Kildare, possessions of James Fitzgeralde, attainted;  [and other lands not connected with Leixlip area] leased to the said Alen for 21 years, 4 December xxix. To hold for 10 years from 1558, at a rent of £32 6s 8d  - 23 March xxxvii Henry VIII [=1545-6]. [Fiant no. 478, dated 23/3/1545-6, in cited in The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol I, Dublin 1994].

1547:  Pleas held at Dublin, before the Lord the King, in his Chancery, 1 April, 1 Edward VI. It appearing by inquisition taken at Dublin, Monday next before the feast of St Patrick, before Sir Richard Rede, Chancellor; Thomas Lutreil, of Lutrillston, knight; James Bathe, of Drominghe, knight; and Patrick Barnewall, serjeant, Commissioners, that James Butler, Earl of Ormond and Ossorie, at the time of his decease was seised in his demesne as of the fee tail of the manors of Rushe, Balscaddane, and Portrane, in the county of Dublin, a house called Justice Bermyngham’s House, a messuage called the Barron’s innes, and 3 gardens in Dublin and the suburbs, 140 acres in Kiltonne and Pfenfithe, in the county of Dublin:  that the manor of Rushe was of the yearly value of £44 16s 6d;  etc..  And it appearing by another inquisition taken at Novane, in the county of Meath, before Gerald Aylmer, Chief justice, Thomas Cusake, Master of the Rolls; and Robert Dyllone, Attorney-General, Commissioners on [date] that the said Earl was seised in fee tail of the manors of Black Castle and Donamore, 4 acres arable, 240 acres  pasture, in the county of Meath, parcel of the manor of Cloncureye, in the county of Kildare, and 5s head rent, annually issuing out of the village of Johnston, alias Shaneston, which James Fleming, knight, Baron of Slane, held of the manor of Cloncurry, and chief rent of 40s arising fro the land of Rathcrome; and that the manor of Black Castle was of the value of £11, the manor of Donamore of the value of £20 7s 11d, and the 4 acres.. etc. And by another inquisition taken at Naas, in the county of Kildare on .. [date], before Gerald Aylmer, of Dullardston, knight; Thomas Lutrell, of Luttrellston, knight; and Patrrick Barnewall, Commissioners, it being found that the said Earl was seised in fee tail of the manors of Oughterarde and Castle Warning:  the former of the yearly value of etc…; the said Commissioner found that the said late Earl held all those possessions of the King in capite by Knight’s service, and that the late Earl on the 17th day of October,…. [incomplete] [James Morrin (ed), Extracts from Calendar of the Patent and Close Rolls of Chancery in Ireland, Vol I, Henry VIII, Edward VI, Mary & Elizabeth I, Dublin, 1861, no 110.]

1548-9:  Pleas held at Dublin in Michaelmas term, 2 Edward VI, reciting an inquisition taken at Lexlipe, in the county of Kildare, before James Fitzgerald, Escheator, by virtue of a writ “de diem clausit extremum”, by which it was found that Sir Wm Birmingham, late Baron of Carbry, died seized in demesne, as of fee tail, of the lands of …. , parcel of the late monastery of Clonard,..etc.. [no Leixlip references]; that he died on the 17 July, in the second year of His Majesty’s reign, that Ann Plunket, his wife survived him, and that Edward Bermingham is his son and heir.  [Undated] [James Morrin (ed), Extracts from Calendar of the Patent and Close Rolls of Chancery in Ireland, Vol I, Henry VIII, Edward VI, Mary & Elizabeth I, Dublin, 1861, no 100.]
Demonstrates that Leixlip Castle was being used for formal State purposes in the time of James FitzGerald.

1547:  Lease to Edward Basnet, late dean of St Patrick’s, Dublin; of [inter alia]the rectory of Esker, co Dublin, and the tithes etc extending to [inter alia] Culdreny.. To hold for 21 year at a rent of £200, which the lessee is permitted to retain in satisfaction of a pension of the like amount previously granted. Finding fit chaplains for the churches of the said four parishes. - 12 July, I Edward VI [=1547] [Fiants of Edward VI, no. 80, dated 12/7/1547, cited in The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol I, Dublin 1994].

1547:  Surrender of the monastery or house of Saint Thomas the Martyr, near Dublin, commonly called “Saint Thomas is courte”, of the Order of St Augustine, by Henry Duffe, Abbot, with the consent of the Convent, and of 4 castles or forts, 50 messuages, 4 mills, 1 carrucate of land, 16 acres of meadow, 8 orchards, 30 acres of wood, 2 gardens, 12 acres of pasture, and 20s rent in Dublin; the manors, lordships, or cells of St Catherine and Kilrodry; the castle and lands of Kilrodry, Cromling, Kilmanagh; the churches of St Catherine and Saint James, near Dublin, Kilsalghan, Chapell Midway Lucan, Saint Katherine’s, near the Salmon Leap, and Tankardstown; and the advowsons of Kilsalghan and Lucan, the manor or lordship of Donamore, near Grenoke, Grange-end, near Dunsaghlyn; the Grange Trewet, Thomaston, Hilton, Browneston, Shanragh, Collierreston, Cokeston, and several rectories and churches in the counties of Dublin, Kildare, Carlow and Tipperary  -  25/7/1547 [Henry VIII].  James Morrin (ed), Extracts from Calendar of the Patent and Close Rolls of Chancery in Ireland, Vol I, Henry VIII, Edward VI, Mary & Elizabeth I, Dublin, 1861, no 3.] This Grenoke, now Greenoge, is in co Meath, also near Palmerstown, co Dublin [not the one near Leixlip, but near Ashbourne, co Meath.  There were at least  two Grenokes.

1547:  Lease granted by Edward VI to Thomas Luttrell, of Luttrelliston, knight, of the rectory of Aderge [= Aderrig], county Dublin, with Roes Croft and other appurtenances in Aderge, and the tithes, and c., extending to the towns of Aderge, Backweyston [= Backweston], Fydanston, Kellieston [= Kellystown?], Galrotheston, Laillaghton, and Leighton; lands in Marshialrathe, Esker, Kysshoke, and Lucan; parcel of the possessions of the vicars choral of the late cathedral of S. Patrick, Dublin. Also the rectory or prebend of Monmahennoke, county Kildare, with all tithes, etc, belonging thereto. To hold for 21 years at a rent of £31, finding fit chaplains for the churches of Aderge and Monmahennoke. [Fiants of Edward VI, No 97, dated 12/9/1547, cited in The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol I, Dublin 1994].

1547:  George, archbishop of Dublin, with the consent of the chapter of Holy Trinity church, granted to Edward de St Laurence, alias Houthe [=Howth], John Eustace of Conffe [=Confey], Christopher Luttrell, son and heir of Sir Thomas Luttrell, chief justice of the Common bench, [inter alia].. the advowsons of Ballybought, … and Uske; in trust that the grantees shall, whenever a living is vacant, present one of the vicars choral of Holy Trinity church thereto, and assign the whole, should royal licence be obtained, to the dean and chapter there.  Dated 20/9/ 1547 (1 Edward VI). [Deed No 441, Calendar of Christchurch Deeds, cited in an appendix of the 20th Report of the Deputy Keeper of Public Records in Ireland]

1548:  Pardon to Wm Stanton alias Geron, of Confey, co Kildare, yeoman; especially for the death of Walter McDonyl - 18 May, ii  Edward VI [=1548] [Fiants of Edward VI, No 206, dated 18/5/1548, cited in The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns during the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, Vol I, Dublin 1994].

1549:  Final decree of ..arbitrators, to whom were submitted by deed of arbitration, all disputes and differences existing between John White and James White; whereupon examination of witnesses, fully establishing the illegitimacy of James White, ordered and decreed, that John White should have possession of all the lands without interruption or impediment; but as James White had sown the lands with corn, he might reap and carry it away, with the disturbance of the said John White. 10/2/1549. [James Morrin (ed), Calendar of the Patent and Close Rolls of Chancery in Ireland, Vol I, Henry VIII, Edward VI, Mary & Elizabeth I, Dublin, 1861.]

1549:  Decree in a cause wherein John White, of the city of Dublin, gent., son of Thomas White, of Harfordwest, [Devon?] gent, is plaintiff, and James White of Kildare is defendant, concerning certain lands in co Kildare; which cause having been submitted to the Lord Deputy, by John White, on the allegation that the said James White and his father Nicholas were both illegitimate; upon hearing the evidence which both parties produced, the Lord Deputy and Council ordered that the said John White, plaintiff, son and heir of Thos White, son of James White, the elder, should have and enjoy the premises without impediment from any person, under a penalty of £200, to be paid to the use of the King.  Dated 21/11/1549. [James Morrin (ed), Calendar of the Patent and Close Rolls of Chancery in Ireland, Vol I, Henry VIII, Edward VI, Mary & Elizabeth I, Dublin, 1861, no 150]

1549/50:  Pardon [granted by Edward VI] to John Alen, of Alenscorte [ =Alenscourt] by the Newbridge, county Kildare, knt, chancellor; [inter alia and] William Alen, of Castleton [= Castletown] by Kildroght, [= Celbridge][etc]. [Fiants of Edward VI, No 445, dated 16/3/1549-50, cited in Deputy Keeper of Public Records reports].

The third part of John Colgan's extensive chronology of Leixlip, from 1500 - 1549 AD - it will be saved under Specific areas in Co. Kildare but can also be searched for by typing in Leixlip in the search box. Our thanks to John

April 14, 2007

Leixlip - Chronology 1200 - 1499 AD

Leixlip Chronology to 1200 - 1499 AD             

compiled by

JOHN COLGAN


c1200-1400:  Numbers of ‘tourists’, on pilgrimages to St Patrick’s Purgatory, Lough Derg, Co Donegal, and other places are known to have come and travelled in Ireland. They came from various places in Europe, suggesting a sufficiently peaceful environment.  [Michael Richter, Medieval Ireland: The Enduring Tradition, Dublin 1988, p177-9.]

c1200-1300:  In this century bishoprics were divided into parishes, particularly in the anglicised areas. [Michael Richter, Medieval Ireland: The Enduring Tradition, Dublin 1988, p155.]

c1200:  Alen’s Register confirms several churches attached to the [Augustinian] Canons of St Thomas [Court, Dublin], including Ecclesia de Saltu Salmonis  =  the church of the Salmon Leap [Leixlip]. [Michael Mac Sweeney, ‘The Parish of Maynooth (1040 –1614)’, the Irish Ecclesiastical Record, October 1940, p308].

c1200:  William [Piro], Bishop of Glendalough, granted, ceded and in this paper confirmed to canons of the church (or congregation) of St Thomas, Dublin, a moiety of the churches of Chonefy [Confey] and Saltu Salmonis [Leixlip], with all the [cure] spiritual charge of the souls in each ‘villa’ pertinent to the church. They shall keep whole and undivided to themselves one tenth of the salmon and fishing in the aforementioned cures. He also granted them a moiety of the church of Tachcuminy [Stacumny], (and others churches not familiar to the Leixlip area). He retained in his own hands the means of the churches of Confey, Leixlip and Stacumny and one tenth of the salmon and the [income of the] cure with his fishery in the villa of Leixlip, (and other retentions not of Leixlip interest).  Witnesses to the deed included: Symone, bishop of Meath; Walter de Hereford, magistrate, and many others. [John T Gilbert, Register of the Abbey of St. Thomas, Dublin, London, 1889, No CCCXXXVI, p289-91.] Note that the year is uncertain; Gilbert cites no year. Stokes gives this time .[Calendar of the Liber Niger Alani, p972, cited by GT Stokes (ed) in JRSAI, Vol 27, p415, 1897.] As Tachcuminy / Taghcomyng is Stacumney, the house of [Archbishop John] Cumin, the date is a little early. He also granted the Abbey the fishing in the town of the Salmon Leap [St Thomas’s Register, p166, cited by Myles V Ronan, in ‘Union of the Dioceses of Glendaloch and Dublin in 1216’, JRSAI, Vol 60, 1930, p56-72].

c1200:  All of the mottes in Co Kildare were erected by this time by the Normans. [Jocelyn Otway-Ruthven, ‘The medieval county of Kildare’, Irish Historical Studies, Vol XI, March 1959, p183].  In some instances they may have been erected by the Vikings who preceded them. These included those in the deanery of Leixlip.

1201:  William, bishop of Glendalough, granted, ceded and in this paper confirmed to the church (or congregation) of St Thomas, Dublin, the church of Confoy [sic, = Confey] and that of the Salmon-leap [=Leixlip], with all the [cure] spiritual charge of the souls in each ‘villa’ near each church to be shared [or divided] in like manner. He also confirmed that they shall keep whole and undivided to themselves one tenth of the salmon and fishing in the aforementioned cures. Witnesses included, Simon, bishop of Meath; Walter de Hereford, magistrate, and Simon, clerk ‘de Ponte’ and many others. The year is from Archdall; the Register does no specify it. [John T Gilbert, Register of the Abbey of St. Thomas, Dublin, London, 1889, No CCXV, p182-3]. [Mervyn Archdall, Monasticum Hibericum: or a history of the abbeys, priories, and other religious houses in Ireland, Vol II, Dublin, 1879, p35].  Did Walter de Hereford give the name to the now-defunct townland, Walterstown, near the Rye by Shaughlin’s Glen?

1201:  Adam de Hereford granted for the good of his soul, that of his wife and parents and his predecessors, to the church of St Thomas, Dublin, the church of Conefi [=Confey] and the church of St Maria “de Hernie” [= of Urnaidh, of the oratory, now called Nurney], with messuages [=houses, outbuildings and sites], fishes, and all their appurtenances. In the same grant he retained just St Patrick’s chapel of the castle and his entitlements of the tithes from the occupiers of his Nurney [land] as far as his country house and farm buildings. He also granted a burgage that they can have beside Hernie [=Nurney] and in general they may share in his common woods, freely and fully, as their needs dictate, free from all taxes and hindrance. Witness, S. bishop of Meath, Roger de Hereford and others. [John T Gilbert, Register of the Abbey of St. Thomas, Dublin, London, 1889, no. CLXVII, p142-3.] Note that the year is uncertain; Gilbert cites no year; Archdall gives this year.  

In another deed or charter Adam de Hereford granted one burgage beside his castle of Ernia [=Nurney], which is quartered by the river, with three acres of adjacent land, to the church of Blessed Thomas the Martyr, at Dublin, and the canons regular serving there.  Witnesses included S., bishop of Meath, Thomas and Wm Marshall, and many others. [John T Gilbert, Register of the Abbey of St. Thomas, Dublin, London, 1889, No CLXVIII, p143.] This is about the same or perhaps an earlier date to the above. 

In yet another deed or charter Adam de Hereford granted one tenth of the salmon of Salt [=Leixlip] and Nurney - “decimam salmonum de Saltu [et decimam] salmonum de Erni”  - to the church of Blessed Martyr Thomas, of Dublin and the canons serving there, for the good of his soul, etc. The witnesses included John de Hereford, his son. Notes: salmon = salmo; genitive plural is salmonum. Saltus = leap. Saltu is an abbreviation for Saltus [Salmonum], meaning Leap of the Salmon, or Leixlip. As Nurney castle was on a river, one can presume that it had some salmon also. [John T Gilbert, Register of the Abbey of St. Thomas, Dublin, London, 1889, No CLXIX, p144.]

 Archdall assumes, incorrectly, that this is only a grant of the tenth salmon of the salmon-leap of Erny. [footnote: King, p174.] [Mervyn Archdall, Monasticum Hibericum: or a history of the abbeys, priories, and other religious houses in Ireland, Vol II, Dublin, 1879, p37.]

c1202:  A priory was founded at St Wolstan’s for the canons of St Victor, Paris, by Adam de Hereford, in honour of St Wolstan, late bishop of Worcester, then newly canonised. The bishops of Dublin (Comyn, who was a deacon at Evesham, Worcestershire), Meath (Simon), and Glendaloch (Wm), were witnesses. The grant was made between 1194 and 1212. [Mervyn Archdall, Monasticum Hibernicium,  Vol 2, Dublin, 1879, p291-6.]

1202:  King John confirmed a grant made by Wm Marshall, Earl of Pembroke, to Adam de Hereford and his heirs, with the assent of Marshall’s wife, Isobel, of the half cantred of land in Offelan [=Uí Faeláin] which is near Dublin, so that he shall have for his part of that half cantred the accommodation/homestead [?] called Oliuran and the town of Oughterard [nr Newcastle Lyons] and the town of Tachgumini [=Stacumny] and all the fishing of the Salmon Leap, also the castle which Machenlodher first founded which is seated in the homestead [?] [comodum] of Owaltan and one knight’s fee around it in the nearer part with Owaltan, and the place which is called Welteruin [aka Weterhunn] [is this Walterstown?] and the town which is called Cloncurry which is in the same comodum, and the half comodum of Oquirc, so that in his part he shall have Cunisi [Confey!] and two ‘Kirdarchs’ [cataracts, from the Greek] which are on the water of Awen-lifi [= Liffey] and all the land of Oquire which is in that part of the river in which Tachgumeni [Stacumny] stands and all the appurtenances thereof, etc. Given 1/3/1202. [Edmund Curtis (ed), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, Vol 1, Dublin, 1932, No.29.]
Note that a Lambertus Loder was among a composite Dublin Roll of (Male) Names compiled at the close of the 12th century. [See JT Gilbert (ed), Historic and Municipal Documents of Ireland, 1172-1320, London, 1870.] Amongst the names which may have Leixlip interest were: Palmer, Pipard, Hereford or Havarfurd, Roger Price, Lunden or London, William Harold, Weston, Cogan, Kardif or Kerdiff, Croker, de Lacy, Samford or Sanford, Eustace (‘Eustacius belles’).

1203: Faelan MacFaelain, lord of Offelan, died in the monastery of Old Connell (near Newbridge town, Co Kildare) which was founded by Meiler FitzHenry. [Annals of the Four Masters, 1203, cited by Orpen, vol II, p326.]

1203:  This year Alard FitzWilliam, who had been given Liuecan [=Lucan] in the Norman settlement, transferred it to Wyrrys or Werrick Peche or Pecchie. [Jas Mills, ‘The Norman settlement in Leinster - the cantreds near Dublin’, JRSAI, Vol 24-5, 1894-5, p170] In Hampshire, Werrick Pecchie rendered his account of 40 marks and a palfrey [= saddled riding horse], for having the King’s confirmation of this land of Liuican [Lucan] in Ireland… and he is quit. [HS Sweetman, (ed), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, London, 1875, No 192, Pipe 5, John, Rot. 11 dors,. 1203-4; No 197 is similar.] De Peche married the daughter of the lord of Leixlip, Stephen de Hereford [Mills cites the Register of St Thomas, p103]. Lucan remained in the de Peche family until about the end of the 13th century. There may be a mistake here as Adam de Hereford was the Lord of Leixlip, unless he had been succeeded by a son called Stephen? [His only son] Check Latin in Register of St Thomas.

c1203-5:  Adam de Hereford founded the Augustinian priory of St Wolstan’s near Donaghcomper about this time. Archdall, in his Monasticon Hibericum, ie, monasteries of Ireland, records the founding year as 1202, but it took some years and much negotiation between de Hereford and the bishops of the dioceses concerning the ownership and income of Confey, Leixlip and Donaghcumper churches and the tithes of salmon there, ie, levies or taxes in kind, of salmon before the official founding. [T O'Connor, Ordnance Survey Letters, Co Kildare, 20/10/1837, in NA. H F Berry, in his Register of Wills etc, p193, cites ‘about 1205’ as the founding year.]

1204:  King John authorized Meiller Fitz Henry, the Viceroy, to erect a castle at Dublin, commencing with the erection of a tower (keep - Bermingham tower), and to leave the other buildings to be more leisurely constructed. [Cited by Myles V Ronan, ‘Anglo-Norman Dublin and Diocese’, Irish Ecclesiastical Record, Vol 45, 1935, p283, a publication subject to ‘nihil obstat’. Ronan writes that the ‘castle’ meant curtain walls.]

c1206:  Eustachio [Eustace], constabulario, [Eustace, the constable] is witness to a deed. [Maurice P Sheehy, ‘The Register Novum’ etc., Reportorium Novum, Vol 3, No 2, 1964, p266-7.]

1207:  John d’Erlée accompanied his lord, Wm Marshal, to Ireland in 1207 (Rot. Pat, 8 John, p69) and was given the custody of southern Leinster when Wm was summoned back by John. He was granted lands in co Kilkenny (the town of which was founded by Marshal), where his name is preserved in the parish of Erleystown, later corruptly called Earlstown [Orpen, opus cit, Vol II, p200].  Marshall had never been to his fief in Ireland before this, partly because he was in Normandy, but also because King John, who succeeded Richard I, refused to allow him go there. At the end of 1206, John gave an unwilling consent, and Marshal set out around February 1207 accompanied by Henry Hose and John d’Erlée. [Orpen, Vol II, p208-9.] When he arrived, he discovered that the justiciar, Meiler FitzHenry had taken over some of Marshal’s lands. About October, 1207 King John summoned Meiler and Marshal to his presence. Marshal assigned custody of his lands to Jordan de Saukeville and John d’Erlée and left them with his cousin, Stephen d’Evreux (founder of the Devereaux family of Wexford) and some knights. [Orpen, Vol II, p210-11] While en route, Meiler’s men raided and burned Marshal’s lands.  Meiler had arrived in England first and got the king to send letters summoning John d’Erlée, Stephen d’Evreux and Jordan de Saukeville back to England under penalty of losing the lands which they held of the king in England.  On 20/2/1208 King John wrote to the Earl Marshal as follows: ‘We have ordered that the land which John de Erleg held of your fee and which was taken into our … had be restored to you. We caused him to be disseised because for more than 2 months he failed to come to us after being ordered to do so. We desire you to send back him and the others whom we lent you..’ [Rot. Claus, 9 John, m.8, p103]. The earl’s men in Ireland decided to defend the Earl’s lands entrusted to them and summoned help from Hugh de Lacy, who came with 65 knights and 1,200 men and they devastated Meiler’s lands, some of which had been given Meiler by Hugh’s namesake and father [Orpen, Vol II, p216-7].

1207-1213:  Marshal lived for most of this time in Ireland, making Kilkenny his principal residence and the centre of his lordship.

1207:  The grant of 1202 from King John to Adam de Hereford is given again on 27/5/1207; it is now the fishery of Saltus Salmonum [Salmon Leap] and Confey is now Cunefi. The witnesses in this case include John Marescall [Marshall], Thomas de Santford [Sandford], Richard de Santford, Hugh de Santford, Richard de Hereford, Thos de Hereford, Richard Tirel, Philip de Prendergast, Eustace the chaplain [Edmund Curtis (ed), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, Vol 1, Dublin, 1932, No.37]. Philip de Prendergast was son of Maurice de Prendergast and he married a granddaughter (Maud) of Strongbow. [Orpen, opus cit, Vol I, p391.]

1207:  A grant was made by [King] John, [Lord of Ireland,] to Adam de Hereford and his heirs of 4 curucates [each = around 100 acres; as much as one man can plough in a year and a day] of land in Coldreyn, [Cooldrinagh] Aderderc [Aderrig], inter alia, to hold of the King in fee by the service of a half a knight’s fee.[HS Sweetman, (ed), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, London, 1875,  no. 371, Chart., 9 John, m5, 8/11/1207; also in Edmond Curtis (ed), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, Vol 1, 1172-1350, Dublin, 1932, No. 38.]

1208:   King John did an about face and in March 1208 he gave a new charter (dated 28/3/1208) to the Earl, Wm Marshal, of his land in Leinster and ordered Meiler to make amends etc [Orpen, Vol II, p216-7 and Rot. Chart, 9 John, p176].

1210:  King John, having lost his Normandy lands, concentrated on his island colonies and made an expedition to Ireland, arriving near Waterford on 20/6/1210. Unfortunately, many of the rolls for the 10th to the 13th year of his reign are missing, hindering a full appraisal of his transactions during his visit. Apparently, he followed the same route as his father, Henry II, 39 years before, and one which he himself seems to have taken in 1185. He was accompanied on his trip by Wm Marshall and stopped at Thomastown, co Kilkenny, next day and probably that night and the next few days in Marshall’s Kilkenny castle. On 26th he was at Naas and on 28th John was at Dublin and is believed to have stopped at St Thomas (the martyr) abbey, founded 33 years before. On 3th June he was at Greenoge, barony of Ratoath, co Meath and on 2nd July at Trim.  En route, he seized many castles. Trim being too small for his court, he camped at a nearby mead, where his writs were dated at that place. On the 4th July he moved to Kells, camping there. He then turned north, probably via Nobber castle, co Meath, and thence on the 7th at Louth, his own vill. On the 9th he was at Dundalk, again camping, and from there he went to Carlingford on the 9th, where he seized Hugh de Lacy’s castle; this was retained as a royal castle until 1226, when it was restored to de Lacy. While there, until the 11th, John paid tradesmen to repair the damage done the castle by de Lacy on his abandoning it. He next crossed the lough, taking Rath or Dundrum castle and repeated the repair job. On the 16th July he was at Downpatrick and from thence to Carrickfergus from 19th to 28th July. De Lacy escaped to Scotland by boat and his troops surrendered. On the 29th he was at Holywood, and returned to Downpatrick for the 2nd and 3rd August, and from thence came to Carlingford on the 5th, Drogheda on the 8th, and thence to Duleek on the 9th, Kells on the 10th and Fore on the 11th. From there southwards to Granard on the 12th, Rathwire on the 14th and by the 18th he was back in Dublin, where he stayed for 6 days before his departure for Fishguard. John is said to have stopped at Castellum Bret on the 17th August. Its position is uncertain. Milo de Bret was given lands near Dublin in exchange in 1207 and his principal seat seems to have been at Mainclare, said to be Moyglare, co Meath, a few miles west of Leixlip. Perhaps he stopped at Leixlip en route to Dublin during the period 17th to 24th August? 

At Dublin, John made yet another charge against Wm Earl Marshal and demanded the Earl’s castle of Dunamase, (in co Laois) and named hostages: Geoffrey FitzRobert, Jordan de Sauqueville, Thomas de Sanford, John d’Erlée, and Walter Purcell. Only the last two were present and agreed to give themselves up. They were later released in England. The Sandfords were long connected with Moyglare-Confey-Leixlip area and John d’Erlée may have had his HQ at Leixlip castle. Lastly, the king handed over the earl’s two sons, one to Thomas de Sanford and one to John d’Erlée, in 1213. [Orpen, Vol II, p234-266].

1210:  At Kildare John confirmed his father’s charter granting Dublin to the men of Bristol. [Orpen, Vol II, p104, citing JT Gilbert, Historic and Municipal Documents of Ireland, p49.] He did this at ‘Kildare’: was it at Leixlip?

He also confirmed Wm, son of Maurice Fitz Gerald, in his barony of Naas, and probably at the same time Wm’s grant to his bro, Gerald, of lands about Maynooth. [Orpen, opus cit, Vol II, p104, citing Gormanston Register, f 190 dors and Red Book of Kildare, facsimiles, NMSS Ireland, vol iii, pl lx.]

The result of John’s Irish trip were that no great fief remained in the hands of his barons except the lordship of Leinster, which he had tried to curtail, and remained with Wm Marshal. His aim was to increase the power of the Crown, with new rights of appeal to the crown in the charters of 1208 granted to Marshal and de Lacy. [Orpen, Vol II, p272]

c1210:  Adam de Hereford granted to Thomas fitzPeter, clerk, land between Kildrophed [= Celbridge] and grantor’s land of the Salmon Leap, on the water of Anliphin [= Liffey], with half the water and a mill pool across the river on grantor’s land on the other side as perambulated by John de Possewek, then seneshcall [=steward of a great house or marshal] of the Salmon Leap; also common of pasture between that land and Kilmacrithok [= Kilmacredock], on the south and west, near the land of Milo de Rocheford: To hold for life at 40s rent, remainder to Stephen, grantee’s son, at a pair of white gloves or a penny, remainder to John, brother of Stephen. Witnesses - [inter alia] Roger de Hereford, Roger Marescall, c1210. [Deed No 970, Calendar to Christchurch Deeds, cited in an Appendix to the 24th Report of the Deputy Keeper of Public Records in Ireland].

1210:  Immediately after King John’s departure from Ireland (on 25/8/1210 - Orpen, opus cit, Vol I, p16), John de Gray commenced to build a wooden bridge and a stone keep or castle at Athlone. This may have been one of the first stone castles in Ireland [Orpen, Vol II, p282].

1212:  Henri de Londres was appointed c1213 after the death of John Cumin around the end of 1212 to be archbishop of Dublin. He was a minister of King John and a lawyer, acting as a judge at Westminster, and he had served as ambassador and treasury official. At this stage the excommunication of John had been lifted by the Pope [Orpen, Vol II, p299-300].

1212-1228:  NAMES OF CHURCHES ETC, COMPILED, 1212-1228:

NOTE Anthony Gwynn, writes in ‘The early history of St Thomas’s abbey, Dublin’, JRSAI, 1954, p1-35, foot-notes (p5) that the true date of this document is 1275.

In Deanery of Taney
 Inter alia:

Church of Adderke [=Aderrig], valued at 14 marks. Johannes de Daunteseia is the rector, and the Archbishop, patron. 

Church of Lyuechan [=Lucan], valued at 18 marks. Rector is the nephew of the lord bishop of Mide [=Meath].

Church of ‘Culmyn’ [Coolmine?], Alan notes: “monk”, presumably after Cumin, the archbishop and former deacon at Evesham Abbey, who is patron.

Church of Douenachymelach [Domhnach Ui Maille?] with the chapel of Cumyn’s town (‘villa’), and the church of Tully-fergus:  prebend is the precentor of St Patrick’s, and archbishop is patron.

In Deanery of Castledermot (‘Tristildermot’)

Church of Douenachmor, value, 38 marks; vicarage, 18 marks. It is a church in close communion with St Patrick’s.

In Deanery of Leixlip (‘Saltu Salmonis’)

Church of Salmon Leap, church of Confy, church of Stachcomeny [Stacumny], church of Donaghcumper (‘Douenachcumbyr’). Alen adds (1528-34): “but in which was the priory, at one time was a cell (or sanctuary) of St Katherine. Of course this was not begat until the 3rd year of Henry III” [c1219].

Church of Laraghbryan (‘Lairbruen’):  John Sandford, son of lord Laurence, held the prebendary, out of the ‘presentatione’ of the barony of Naas.

Church of Castledillon (‘Tristeudelan’), church of Straffan, church of Taghadoe (‘Tachto’).

Church of Maynooth (‘Mainoth’).  The archbishop is the Prebend and Maurice FitzGerald is the patron. Alen adds: “A chapel at one time” alternatively, “ A chapel one day”.

Church of Donaghmore (‘Douenachmor’), chapel of Mackelan’s town (villa), church of Kildrought, church of Killadoon.

Official Procurements of the Lord of Dublin in the Deanery of Omorthy

Inter alia:

Vicarage of Douenachmore, 5s 6d

One mark is equivalent to two-thirds of a pound, 13s 8d. [JT Gilbert, (Ed), “Crede Mihi” - The Most Ancient Register Book of the Archbishops of Dublin before the Reformation, Dublin, 1897, p136-149.]

c1212:  A charter, date unknown, and fore part is missing, is a grant from Laurence of Castlemartin to the chapel of Castle Warn, and firewood, etc. and one tenth of the fishing of the Salmon Leap to be preferred to the house of St Thomas [the Martyr, Dublin] and also to the abbot, etc… The charter or deed was witnessed by Richard de Hereford, Thos de Hereford, Roger de Hereford, and others. [John T Gilbert, Register of the Abbey of St. Thomas, Dublin, London, 1889, No LXXXVI, p74-5.]

1212-28:  In Deanery of Leixlip (‘Saltu Salmonis’) Church of Laraghbryan (‘Lairbruen’): John Santford, son of lord Laurence [Santford, archbishop], held the prebendary, out of the ‘presentatione’ of the barony of Naas. [JT Gilbert, (Ed), “Crede Mihi” - The Most Ancient Register Book of the Archbishops of Dublin before the Reformation, Dublin, 1897, p136-149.]

1213:  Anticipating an invasion of the French king on England, King John summoned all who owed him fealty to muster at Dover at Easter, 1213. Amongst those present was Earl Wm Marshal with 500 knights and many other horsemen from Ireland. Orpen ventures that the absence of such a number from Ireland without any disturbance arising was a measure of the contentment of the Irish with the new order of things. On May 15, 1213 John met the papal legate near Dover, where he surrendered to the Pope the realms of England and Ireland, to hold them as a feudatory of the Roman Church. He swore fealty to the Pope and undertook to pay the Roman Church 1,000 marks annually, 700 for England and 300 for Ireland [Orpen, Vol II, p312].

1214:  In 1214 a stone castle was built at Coleraine, having dismantled the cemeteries, clochans (=beehive cells) and buildings other than churches, to make it. [Orpen, Vol II, p292] Around this time, too, a stone keep or turret, part of a castle, was built at Dublin [Orpen, Vol II, p306-7].

1215:  Following the Magna Carta [=Great Charter] in England, John was prevailed upon to grant new charters to Dublin, Waterford, Dungarvan, Drogheda etc. The rights already given to Dublin by the charter of 1192 were extended. Additional rights were also given to individuals: Wm Marshal was to be given back his castle of Dunamase and all his fees in the lands held by Meiler FitzHenry, but this seems to have been more a decision for show, rather than reality. Orpen regarded John as undeserving of praise: he said he was capricious, vindictive, tyrannical - especially in Ireland [Orpen, Vol II, p314-321].

1216:  King John commanded the justiciary of Ireland to cause to be delivered to William Marshall, Earl of Pembroke, the house of Ernye, which belonged to Adam de Hereford and is of the Earl’s inheritance, called The Salmon Leap’ [HS Sweetman, (ed), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, London, 1875, No 688, Pat, 18 John, p2, m9, May, 1216].

Chartulary of the Abbey of St Thomas the Martyr: The Grant of Adam de Hereford of the church of Confey to the Abbey of St Thomas the Martyr included a burgage (6 Tenements) beside his Castle de Ernai - ‘Un burgage apud castello mei de Ernai’ [NA, 1A-41-62 Bentham MSS Abstracts]. 

Both of these references were noted by Lena Boylan, in JKAS, Vol XVIII, Part II, 1994-95, p256. Lena asked whether Leixlip Castle was once called the Castle of Ernye or Ernai? These are references to the place called Nurney, aka, Erni, Erny, Hernia, Norny, in Co Kildare, which was part of Adam de Hereford’s estate. They are referred to specifically in John T Gilbert’s Register of the Abbey of St Thomas, Dublin, London, 1889, p144, 328 etc. I believe I have also eliminated Hervey de Montmorency, uncle of Strongbow.  Another possibility was John d’Erlee, custodian and biographer of Wm Marshal’s lands in south Leinster. Ernée is a village or small town in Normandy, France. Urnaidhe is the Gaelic for an oratory.

1216:  Pope Innocent III (1161-1216) wrote to Henry de Loundres, archbishop of Dublin, to confirm to him and his successors in perpetuity various canonical possessions. There follows a list of places, whose names are pronounced or imitated or translated (“exprimenda vocabulis”) incl. the hospital of St John, outside the New Gate; also the churches of the Salmon leap, of Confi, of Meune (=Moone, a Columban foundation), the town or homestead of Robert Widside; all parochial churches within the walls and in the civic suburbs and also all within the ramparts etc; also a list of towns in Co Dublin including Kiladreni [Cooldrinagh?], Douenachmor, [=Donaghmore, near Leixlip], and Arderia [=Aderrig?] [JT Gilbert, (Ed), “Crede Mihi” - The Most Ancient Register Book of the Archbishops of Dublin before the Reformation, Dublin, 1897, p8-11.]

1216: A charter relating to Maynclare [=Moyglare, Co Meath, where the Sandfords had a castle later], involving the Tyrells and Christ Church, exists. [Maurice P Sheehy, ‘The Register Novum’ etc, Reportorium Novum, Vol 3, No 2, 1964, p269.]

1218:  The priory of St Catherine was erected by Warisius Petche [jointly with him in charge of Leixlip?] this year for the
canons of St Victor. [Michael Mac Sweeney, ‘The Parish of Maynooth (1040 –1614)’, the Irish Ecclesiastical Record, October 1940, p308]. See SJ Connolly, (ed), the Oxford Companion to Irish History, Oxford, 1998, p31; the order was an Augustinian one, who were introduced to Ireland from France by St Malachy. They were also promoted by Laurence O’Toole in the Dublin province of the Church. By 1200 the Irish houses had become isolated from the rest. The most important house was the abbey of St Thomas the Martyr, founded in Dublin 1177. Diarmait MacMurchada (d1171) endowed several Augustinian houses in Leinster. Further investigation may clarify who endowed the abbey at Confey. The church of the Salmon Leap was also granted to the abbey of St Thomas; see 1200.

1218-24:  In the barony of Newcastle, and near the Liffey; here was a priory [St Catherine’s] of canons of the Congregation of St Victor. Warrisius de Peche, about the year 1220, for the health of his soul and the soul of Alard Fitz-William, and also those of his ancestors and successors, granted to the church of St Catharine, situated near the Salmon-leap, the land in Incherathyn [old name for St Catherine’s townland? Is this Cherachin [Cheraclun] of 1268 deed?], on which the priory was built, and several parcels of land adjoining thereto, with liberty to the said canons to build a mill on the river, and to make a mill-pond whenever they should see convenient. He further granted to them the church of the Blessed Virgin of Lyvecan [=Lucan], with all its appurtenances etc. Witness to the said grant, Henry, archbishop of Dublin, Simon, bishop of Meath, Peter, bishop of Ossory, Simon, abbot of St Thomas Abbey, Dublin etc.  John Warrisius was prior, and their patron, who was lord of Lucan, enfeoffed him with a messuage and a carrucate of land in Lucan, enjoining him, out of the produce thereof, to find six chaplains to celebrate divine offices for every, in the priory of St Catherine, for the souls of all his progenitors; and he further enfeoffed the said prior and chaplains with the moiety of a mill upon the river Liffey.  Adam de Hereford, Knight, lord of Leixlip, did also enfeoff the said prior with a carrucate of land, in the lordship of Leixlip, for the purpose of finding six chaplains in the priory of St Catharine, in like manner as Warrisius had done. Richard Shirman is named as prior in this deed, which is dated between the years 1218 and 1224. [King, p162] [Mervyn Archdall, Monasticum Hibericum: or a history of the abbeys, priories, and other religious houses in Ireland, Vol II, Dublin, 1879, p137.]

Inis (gen: inse), an island or a low meadow along a river, [PW Joyce, Irish Local Names Explained, Dublin 1923 & 1996, p102] Ráthín, a small artificial mound with ditch etc.

1218:  Henry III wrote to G Marisco, his Justiciary for Ireland, referring (on two occasions) to his castle at Castleknock with Ricardo [=Richard] Tyrel, which he had from his father, John, and which he now wishes to have demolished without delay in his own interest.  [Latin text paraphrased]- dated (in one instance) 8/7/1218. [Calendar of the Patent Rolls, Henry III, 1216-1225, London, 1901, p160-1.]

<1223:  An enquiry was made into the affairs of the church of Conephy [=Confey]. The report of the enquiry was concluded before this year, when Ralph of Bristol, was made bishop of Kildare (1223-32); he had earlier been first treasurer of St Patrick’s Dublin.  The enquiry was made by the undersigned jurors: the dean of Leixlip; Benedict, the chaplain; Roger, the gatekeeper (?); Hugh, the sergeant; Nicholas the church court-yard man; Roger Hellekyng; William of Coolock; Hugh White, and John, the summons-server of the place. The jury was called because lord Adam de Hereford had granted Thatheig [=Thady?], father of Gillecondi Maclother [Maclodher?], who was by then dead, and the said Tatheig was also dead, and Adam had considered, seeing that he was the patron of the churches of Leixlip [Saltu Salmonis] and Confey [Conephy] of the abbey and convent of St Thomas, Dublin, and asked them to consider the situation of his church, Gillecondy by then being dead, and the matter was in fact before the bishop at the diocesan headquarters by Nurney; besides he sought permission to pay by instalments ten ‘solidi’ annually and regularly to the canons for as long as he lived. Time passed and Wm de Pyro, then archbishop of Glendalough, moved the question of the remarkable canons in charge of the said church and eventually after agreeing an intervention comprising an authorised delegation from the lord Pope, it was agreed that the said church [of Confey] be equally divided between him and their church. Next, true to say, bishop William gave up the tithes of the church of Leixlip [de Saltu Salmonis] to Mr Radulfo [=Ralf] de Bristollia, his clerk, and half of the tithes of the church of Confey were assigned to him,  a mark’s payment which, in fact Gillecondy had released to Ralf for as long as the he held the said tithes. Ralf was himself promoted to bishop [of Kildare]; the archbishop of Dublin, Henry, [was made archbishop of ] Dublin and Glendalough after a union was made of them, and John, son of Andrew, contributed the said tithes with the said payments. They will be given over also because both are ‘wombs’ of the church, and because neither paid up since in any other way, [and] All conceded it was the case before Galfridus de Hereford had presented the said land, the tithes of it had been granted to laymen for many years. [John T Gilbert, Register of the Abbey of St. Thomas, Dublin, London, 1889, No CCCLXXV, p328-9.]

1226:  William Pippard was authorised to make his tenants ‘in the marches’ fortify their holdings, or, if they don’t, he is to do it, by enclosing them and fortifying them. [ HS Sweetman, (ed), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, London, 1875, No 1445, Close.,10 Hen III, m4, 18/9/1226]. See 1316.

1227:   Confirmation of Leixlip by Pope Gregory IX, 27/7/1227, folio 142-143, in John T Gilbert’s (Ed), Register of the Abbey of St Thomas, Dublin, Rolls Series, 1889. The date has been suggested by Aubrey Gwynn, in ‘The early history of St Thomas’ Abbey, Dublin’, JRSAI, 1954, p9. Gwynn says Gilbert’s dates are wrong.

1232:  King Henry III directed Maurice FitzGerald, Justiciary of Ireland, to cause the water of the Liffey to flow as it ought at Chapelizod, so that boats may free ascent and descent. [HS Sweetman, (ed), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, London, 1875, no. 1980, Close., 16 Hen III, m4 dors., 5/9/1232]

Suggesting water transport on the Liffey beyond Chapelizod.

c1232:  Ralph, bishop of Kildare, died sometime before November, 1232, when a licence was issued by Henry III for his replacement.  [Patent Rolls, Henry III, 1232-1247, London, 1906.] Where did name, Ralph Square, come from?  No Leixlip surnames called Ralph are recalled by JC.

1234:  Henry III gave a mandate to Maurice, son of Gerold, Justiciary of Ireland, to let G Marshal, earl of Pembroke, have seisin of all lands in Ireland which fall to him by inheritance of which the late earl, Richard Marshal, his brother, had before the latter had gone to war against the king. [Calendar of the Patent Rolls, Henry III, 1232-1247, London, 1906, p70.]

1235:  Gilbert Marshall, Earl of Pembroke, represented to King Henry III that Wm. Marshall, formerly Earl of Pembroke, his father, and Wm. Earl Marshall, his brother, were seised by right of inheritance of the vill of Comyn, [etc]  [HS Sweetman, (ed), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, London, 1875, no 2255, Close.,19 Hen III, p1,  m15, 3/4/1235].

 This seems to confirm that Stacumny was the house of [Bishop] Comyn.

1240:  Maurice FitzGerald, judiciary of Ireland, was commanded by King Henry III to buy wine to be placed in his manors and castles; to provide corn, provisions and other articles required by the king on his visit to Ireland, planned for the following Easter, and to improve the houses where necessary. [HS Sweetman, (ed), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, London, 1875, no. 2496, Close.,24 Hen III, m.3,  c22/9/1240].

Did Henry III visit Ireland?  This suggests that Henry II’s son, John, may have visited Leixlip Castle in similar manner.

1245:  Henry III appointed Wm de Cheeny to the custody of all the lands and castles late of Wm Marshal, earl of Pembroke, in Ireland.  Robert de Turbervill was mandated to deliver him the lands with the castles  -  dated 16/1/1245. [Calendar of the Patent Rolls, Henry III, 1232-1247, London, 1906.]

1247:  It was settled and agreed between Warin, the abbot [of St Thomas the Martyr, Dublin] and Ralph de Pippard, that the moiety [=half of the amount] of the churches of Confoy and the salmon-leap, the whole of the churches of Cloncurry, Castle Warrin, and Oughterard, tithes, lands, rents etc., were the sole right of the said abbot; who agreed to pay yearly to John de Linford, chaplain to the said Ralph, one hundred shillings, till he had provided him with church preferments to the value of ten pounds yearly; and the abbot engaged, that Ralph, his ancestors and successors, should be forever partakers in all prayers, masses, etc., made and offered up in their church. [footnote: King, p167] [Mervyn Archdall, Monasticum Hibericum: or a history of the abbeys, priories, and other religious houses in Ireland, Vol II, Dublin, 1879.]

1247:  After the death of Wm Marshall, the elder, there being no living sons of his, the fiefdom of Leinster was partitioned among his five daughters or their representatives, to give each approximately one fifth of the annual worth of the territory.  The partition was made in the king’s court at Woodstock on 3/5/1247.  Each share included a chief borough, or caput baroniae, which went with the corpus comitatus, or ‘body of the county’.  The comitatus may be regarded as a tract of land or the community of landholders on it. . The eldest daughter, Matilda or Maud, who was also the only surviving one, secured territory in Carlow, Wexford and south Kildare.  One area she received was called Insula, now known as the Great Island in Kilmokea, Co Wexford, on the east bank of the Barrow river, and now no longer an island. This was the caput baroniae of Hervey de Montmorency’s fief many years earlier What was left of Montmorency’s fief (after he given a lot to the Church) must have reverted to the lord of Leinster for Matilda Marshall to get some.

Of the other daughters, the fourth, Sibyl Marshal was dead at the time of the partition of the Leinster estate and her share went to the seven daughters she had with Wm de Ferrers. These daughters included Agnes, wife of Wm de Vescy. Sibyl’s share did not pass immediately to her daughters as first it was assigned as dower to Margaret, Countess of Lincoln, widow of Walter Marshal.  After the widow’s death (c1270), Agnes de Vescy became entitled to the castle and manor of Kildare and principal share of the county, over which there was litigation with her sisters, Matilda, Eleanor and Agatha. See 1275. . [G H Orpen, Ireland under the Normans, 1216-1333, Vol III, Oxford, 1920 & reprinted 1968, p79-107.]

c1250:  There are reports of mercenary troops in Ireland to help the Irish. They were called gallóglach, [= foreign soldier or servant; anglicised as '‘gallowglass'’] and came from the southwest of Scotland and from the Hebrides. They were successful in Tír Connell and Tyrone and settled there in the 14th century. [Richter, opus cit, p154.]

1255:  Mention is made in this document of Agnes de Weston and her lands in Ireland, part exchanged for lands in Eston, co Derby. [HS Sweetman, (ed), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, London, 1875, no. 473, Close, 40 Hen III, m2 I dors., 3/11/1255].

1256:  The Augstinian order was reformed by pope Alexander IV; the main aim was to put Christian teaching into practice by serving one’s neighbour. [Michael Richter, Medieval Ireland: The Enduring Tradition, Dublin 1988, p180-1.]

1261:  Kildare appears for the first time as a sheriffdom this year, when the first council of magnates of Ireland which might be called a parliament assembled. [Orpen, Vol II, p276.] Otway-Ruthven cites 1224 as the year of the first appearance of a sheriff of Kildare, quoting the Gormanston Register, p201. Under the sheriff there were chief serjeants, one for each cantred, not as elsewhere, one for the whole county. [‘The medieval county of Kildare’, HIS, Vol XI, March 1959, p185 & 193].

c1267:  An agreement between the prioress of Grace Dieu convent near Turvey, Donabate, and Richard de St Martin, was witnessed by (Mauricio de Sancta Columba) Maurice of St Columba, (domino Eustacio) Lord Eustace and others. [JT Gilbert, (Ed), “Crede Mihi”  - The Most Ancient Register Book of the Archbishops of Dublin before the Reformation, Dublin, 1897, p112.]

1268:  This document is very long; a photocopy is to hand. It appears to define the boundary of the lands granted by Wirris Peche to the prior of St Catherine’s, and given partly by Strongbow, but not mentioned here. The General Index to the reference book refers to Adgarvan Thirinche as a ford on the river Rye-water near its junction with the Liffey at Leixlip.

Inspectimus and confirmation of charter of grant by Wyrreys Peche to the church of St Katherine near the Salmon Leap, to Brother William, called of Kil, its prior, his successors, and its canons regular, of the following lands and liberties, etc., namely:-  the site of the church that is in Cherachin [Cheraclun*, meaning: four of them or four heads??]; and all the land to the west up to the bounds of Conefi; and all the land of Meyfin with all the teskyn [reskyn*, tesca or tesqua, (Latin) = waste ground, desert] of Meyfin up to the next roadway and along that roadway to a ford called Adgarvan Thirinche, as that rivulet [or brook] runs into the Liffey; and all the land between that rivulet and the donor’s arable land up to the roadway which runs from the canons’ arable land to the donor’s arable land; and from the ford called Adlouan under the house of St Katharine, towards a fosse [or dike] on the south side which runs towards (the) arable land; and all the land between the latter and the Liffey up to the bounds of Coldreyny, and an acre of land lying between the land of Stephen de Hereford and a lawn [or uncultivated land] [landa] held by Hugh de Branton; and all the donor’s share of the river upstream to the ford aforesaid under the house of St Katharine, and all the water from that ford to the rivulet [or brook] which runs through the middle of the canons’ court into the Liffey, to wit, as that rivulet ran in the third year of Henry III [1219-20]; with power to the prior and canons to make, when and as they think proper, a mill and a mill-dam [or weir] [stagnum = standing water or pool], extending to his (the donor’s) land; saving the free-flow of water. Further grants to the prior and canons of the church of St Mary of Liuekan [Lucan], so far as belongs to the patron, for their maintenance and the reception of their guests and (the) poor; and also the tithe of Wyrreys’s, bread, beer, meat, and fish; with all liberty as enjoyed by his other free tenants in his common pasture and wood without (outside) the grantor’s preserve in the manor of Lucan. There is further provision for the transfer of these rights on the death of the prior etc. Among the witnesses to the charter were: the abbot of St Thomas, Dublin; Stephen de Hereford, Godfrey de Hereford, Roger, parson of Lucan, Hugh de Brancon, constable of Lucan, and David the clerk. [HS Sweetman, (ed), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, London, 1875, no 842, Chart., 52 Hen III, p1, m8, 28/4/1268].[*These words have been spelt differently in the same document cited in the Calendar of Charter Rolls, Vol II, London, 1906, p93, where there appears to be a better translation, which has been combined here with that from the first-named source.]

Adgarvan seems to come from the Irish Áth = ford and garamhail = useful, convenient, neighbourly and
Thirinche from thiar = wester(ly), behind, and inis [genitive case: inse] = island, river margin.

c1268:  Brother W., prior of St Katherine’s near Saltus Salmonum [= Leixlip] grants to Emma de Bethuen for life a messuage in Kerny, with 3 acres which the convent has of William de Ras for a term of 100 years, and after her death to her son, William; saving the yearly rent to the lord of the fee and to the house of St Katherine a penny at Easter. After the death of Emma and William, the said messuage and 3 acres to revert to St Katherine’s until the end of the term of 100 years. Witnessed by Sir G de Hereford, etc., the court of Kildare and the Salmon Leap and many others. [Edmond Curtis (ed), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, Vol 1, 1172-1350, Dublin, 1932, No. 145.]

c1270:  Sluscaria, Matilda, etc, daughters of the late Howell Cocus [= cook], quit-claim [=renounce their rights] to Sir Ralph [Pipard], son of Ralph fitzNicholas and his heirs, a messuage in the vill of Saltus Salmonum [Leixlip] with 3 acres of land in the said vill.  Consideration, a mark of silver of new money. Witnesses: Sir Godfrey de Hereford, Warr’ Socal, Henry de Bakepuz, Robert de Sancto Paulo, Wm de Stanleh, Nicholas Parvus. [Edmond Curtis (ed), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, Vol 1, 1172-1350, Dublin, 1932, No. 151.]

1270:  This document suggests it is the record of the establishment of county Kildare.  After the partitioning of the land of Earl Marshall in Ireland, a seneschal, sheriff, and other officers were ordered to be created, with power to issue writs, collect debts and customs under a common seal in county Kildare. [ HS Sweetman, (ed), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, London, 1875,  no. 896, Close.,1 Edward I, m9 dors., 8/3/1270] This is contradicted by Orpen; see p100, Ireland under the Normans, Vol III, and 1297.

c1270-c1307:  Throughout the reign of king Edward I there was no lack of money for carrying out government and large sums were spent building and strengthening castles. For the next three centuries the Irish of Wicklow, the O’Byrnes and O’Tooles, who had been expelled to the Wicklow mountains, were a chronic source of peril to the English of the surrounding districts. [Orpen, opus cit, Vol IV, p10.]

1271:  Wm de Kaversham, seneschal to Fulk, Archbishop of Dublin, granted the lands of Tristildelane, [=Castledillon] to the priory of St Wolstan’s, with the appurtenances thereunto belonging in Franckalmoigne. He increased the number of canons, and obliged them to celebrate his and his wife’s anniversary, on which day they were to feed 30 poor men, give them in lieu a penny each, under penalties for not doing so. [Reported by Mervyn Archdall, Monasticom Hibernicum, London, 1786, p339-343; copied for me by Rev David Kelly, OSA]; also cited in Liber Niger Alani, Calendar of, in JRSAI, Vol 23, 1893, p304.

1275:  Agnes de Vesey settles her dispute with her three surviving sisters over their shares of Kildare. [G H Orpen, Ireland under the Normans, 1216-1333, Vol III, Oxford, 1920 & reprinted 1968, p79-107.]

1276:  An Indenture of agreement was made between Sir Ralph Pippard and Wm de Stacumeny by which he lets his farm to him and his heirs, forty acres of his lordships which Master Wm de Bakepus formerly held in the field of Stacumeni [Stacumny], for 20 years.  Paying 40s sterling. Given at the Castrum Munitum [Castlewarden] in 4 Edward [ie, February, 1276]. [Edmond Curtis (ed), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, Vol 1, 1172-1350, Dublin, 1932, No. 197.]

1280: From this year on the reformed Augustinians were active in Ireland, especially in the areas of the English lordships. [Richter, opus cit, p180.]

c1284:  Various references made relating to the payment for the service of Confy, Confoy, Conefi, arising as a result of documents burnt in a fire. [HS Sweetman, (ed), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, London, 1875, no 2333-4,-5,-7] See 1289 for Edward I’s grant of timber..

1285:  The roll of receipt for the term of Michaelmas, a.r. 13-14, 1285, includes: Naul, for service of Conefy by R. de Crus, 20s 0d. [HS Sweetman, (ed), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, London, 1879, no.149, Q.R., Irish Exchequer, Bundle 531, no.22, m.1-8].

c1285:  John le Decer of Dublin [later mayor], granted to John, son and heir of Richard de Bakepus, and Petronila his wife a messuage and building in Bridge-street, Dublin…; rent, 16s, payable to Holy Trinity Church, and to grantor and his heirs one penny. [Deed no. 142, Calendar to Christchurch Deeds, cited in an Appendix to the 20th Report of the Deputy Keeper of Public Records in Ireland]  See 1303, Pippard to Bakepus.

1286:  King Edward I granted Gerald Fitz Maurice the right of a weekly market at his manor of Maynooth and a yearly fair of 3 days, from 7 to 9 September. . [HS Sweetman, (ed), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, London, 1879, no.238, Chart., 14 Edw.I, m.1, 10.5.1286].

1287:  William was abbot [of the abbey of St Thomas the Martyr, Dublin]. On account of his age and infirmities, he resigned in 1290, and a licence was granted to proceed to an election, dated 8th September.  When Adam was chosen, the same year the abbot and convent paid a fine of £40 for licence to annex and consolidate with their abbey the priory of St Catherine, near the Salmon-leap. [Mervyn Archdall, Monasticum Hibericum: or a history of the abbeys, priories, and other religious houses in Ireland, Vol II, Dublin, 1879, p45.]

1289:  A grant was made on 7/11/1289 by Edward I of 20 oak trees fit for timber from the king’s forest of Glencree to be given by John de Saunford, archbishop of Dublin, to the abbot [William] and convent of St Thomas as a gift, following the unlucky fire which recently destroyed some of the abbey’s buildings.[Cal. Docs, Ire. III, no  542, cited by Aubrey Gwynn, ‘Early History of St Thomas’ Abbey’, Dublin, JRSAI, 1954, p23.]

1290:  Wm de Vescy succeeded his mother, Agnes, grand-daughter of Earl Wm Marshall, the elder, to her share of the county Kildare lands (which included the manor of Leixlip).[Orpen, opus cit, vol III, p100.]

c1290:  Cooldrinagh, now held by Angelus, son of Philip Moton or Mocon, had a suit in reference to it with the prior of St Wolston’s [cited by Mills, opus cit, and in Plea Roll, no 15, Ed I, m 11 d]  It had much earlier been held by Angelus’s great-grandfather, Richard Moton.

1291:  In roll of receipt: Nicholas de Blakeston was fined half a mark at Dublin on 15/3/1291 for not coming when summoned. [HS Sweetman, (ed), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, London, 1879, Q.R., Irish Exchequer, Bundle 531, no.22, m.5-9].

Possibly the earliest mention of Blakeston [=Blakestown?]  No!  There was a Viking king of Dublin called Blake (anglicised); perhaps it is he for whom Blakestown is named; and Ravensdale may also be named by the Vikings, as the black raven was on their masthead.

1292:  In roll of receipt, a.r. 20-21: “For Henry Gaffeny, because he came not when summoned, half mark”. [HS Sweetman, (ed), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, London, 1879, no.1148, Q.R., Irish Exchequer, Bundle 532, no.4, m.1].

Possibly the earliest mention of Gaffney family.

1294:  A long record of “New taxation of the Diocese of Dublin” features as deed no. 150 in the Calendar of Christchurch Deeds [cited in an appendix to the 20th Report of the Deputy Keeper of Public Records in Ireland], causing the exasperated writer to append: “Now the writings are written, give me what I have deserved!”  Under the first sub-heading, ‘Taxation of the Dignities and Prebends’ [= part of estate revenue of a cathedral or collegiate church granted to a member as a stipend; portion of land or tithe from which this stipend (pension) is drawn] of the Church of St Patrick, Dublin, with their Vicarages, are mentioned Maynothe £5 17s 4d, and the vicarage there £1; Vicarage of Tauelaghte [= Tallaght?] nothing on account of war. 
Under the second sub-heading, ‘Common Fund of the Church of St Patrick, Dublin’ it is stated that church of Donaghmore, and the Vicarage of Donaghmore are all waste. 
Under the sub-heading, ‘Deanery of Christianity, Dublin’ is stated that the Prior of St Catherine, near the Salmon Leap, receives nothing of the rents in the city.
Under the sub-heading, ‘Deanery of Tanhy’ is listed: Church of Leucane [= Lucan] (Monastery of St Thomas) £5; and the vicarage there 1 mark; Temporality of the Prior of St Catherine ½ mark; the monks at Kylmacodrek [= Kilmacredock?] not sufficient for the charges.
Under the sub-heading, ‘Deanery de Saltu’ [= Leixlip]: Churches of Kyldonane [=Kiladoon] and Tristyldelane [= Castledillon] (Monastery of St Thomas) not worth the service of chaplains; of Confy (Monasteries of St Thomas and de Saltu) for two portions £2; Rent of the Abbot of St Thomas at Saltus 4 shillings; Temporality of the Prior of St Catherine nothing because waste, and he receives nothing of his rent at Confy; Churches of Taghto £5; Stacumny £5; and Straffane £2, but the vicarage there nothing beyond service of a chaplain; Temporality of the Prior of St Wolstan 10 shillings; Church of Kyldraght [Celbridge] (Monastery of St Thomas) £1, vicarage there no value beyond service of a chaplain; Donacumper and Donamore   -  Total, £15 14s.

Note the absence of any specific mention of a church of either Leixlip or the Salmon Leap. Was there a church of Leixlip, as such then?
1294:  Ralph Pyppard grants to his son, John Pyppard, for his life, [inter alia] his castle and manor of Saltus Salmonum  [Leixlip] -  and all their appurtenances and appendages and all manner of enfeoffments, wards, marriages, rents, reliefs,.. saving however to him the homages and advowsons, churches and vicariates and half of the wards and marriages. To hold of grantor and the heirs of his body, paying yearly during his life 500 marks sterling to the Friars Preachers of Chester.  29/6/1294. [Edmond Curtis (ed), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, Vol 1, 1172-1350, Dublin, 1932, No. 316.]

1295:  The Roll of service of Tristledermot [= Castledermot], etc. contains, inter alia, the following entry:
[Co] Dublin Ralp Pipard, for Lexlupe [= Leixlip], 20s.
[HS Sweetman, (ed), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, London, 1881, no.259, Q.R., Irish Exchequer, Bundle 532, no.28, m.1, Michaelmas, 1295].

This seems to be the first reference [chronologically] to Leixlip as a name of the place. Hitherto, The Salmon Leap has been used to identify a natural feature (not a town?) where things were near.

1295:  A papal Bull, from Pope Celestine V, dated 6/9/1294, informed the Archbishop of Dublin of his election as Pope. As the Archbishopric was then vacant owing to the death of Master John de Saunford [= Sandford], the Bull was endorsed to the effect that it was presented to the Prior of Holy Trinity, Dublin, on 21/5/1295. [Deed no. 151, Calendar of Christchurch Deeds, cited in an appendix to the 20th Report of the Deputy Keeper of Public Records in Ireland]

1295:  King Edward I, having conferred on Richard de Manston the church of Arderk [=Arderige], near the Salmon leap, in the diocese of Dublin (which is vacant by reason of the see of Dublin being in the King’s hand), the King commanded John de Langeton, the Chancellor, to cause Richard to have letters of presentation thereupon. . [HS Sweetman, (ed), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, London, 1881, no. 232, Tower Privy Seals, 23 Edw.I, no.4, 19/6/1295] 

No.  233, same series, provided letters etc for Richard de Manston to the church of Arderk, etc..; same date.

1295:  On 18/10/1295, Edward I appointed John Wogan as justiciar of Ireland, a post he held for 18 years. He belonged to a Pembrokeshire family of this name. [Orpen, opus cit, Vol IV, p39.] The Wogans later appear (early 18th century) in Kildare with Leixlip connections [Glascock] and the name lingered here in that of a pub on Leixlip’s Main St.

1295:  Con Costello, Kildare Saints, Soldiers & Horses, Naas, 1991, p87-91: The Wogan family of Rathcoffey, who came from Picton, Pembrokeshire, in 1295. They remained important in north-east Kildare until mid-nineteenth century.

1296:  The roll of great receipt, containing the following [inter alia]: 
“The Prior of St Catherine, near the Salmon Leap, for a false action, half mark”, [HS Sweetman, (ed), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, London, 1881, no.300, Q.R., Irish Exchequer, Bundle 532, no.29, m.10-14, 20/7/1296].

This suggests the onset of a desperate financial situation for the Priory of St Catherine; see 1298-9.

1296:  Sir Nicholas de Cambell was a witness in a charter to grant Richard de Burgh, Earl of Ulster’s, lands etc. to James, seneschal of Scotland, etc. [HS Sweetman, (ed), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, London, 1881, no.338, Pat., 24Edw.I, m.3, 10/10/1296].

Note the spelling of Campbell; the p was added later to facilitate speech. The name comes from the Gaelic, cam [= crooked] béal [= mouth].  A painting of the 1st Earl of Argyll, a Campbell, which is in the National Portrait Gallery, Edinburgh, shows his crooked mouth!  [ A catalogue of the gallery, to hand, contains a copy of the portrait]. The Campbells of Leixlip may have come with the Bruce incursions [See 1581]; they were erroneously called Camels or Camils in parish registers.

1297:  In 1297 Wm de Vescy surrendered his lands, including the castle manor and county of Kildare to the king, in consideration for a pardon for his Crown debts. De Vescy was childless and a few months later the lands were given back to him for his life, which was not for long. The parliament held that year (called [John] Wogan’s first parliament, to which the sheriffs and seneschals of established counties were summoned) determined that the county of Kildare, which was formerly a liberty intentive to the county of Dublin, be henceforth a county in itself with a separate sheriff. [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1216-1333, Vol III, Oxford, 1920, p100; also Vol II, p276 and Vol IV, p51.] [VIDE: Crown Cal. Docs. Ireland, Vol iv, no 365]. Note that the barony of Carbury had been granted by Strongbow to Meiler Fitz Henry, but on his death it had escheated to the Marshals. Moone, Co Kildare, had similarly been parcelled out, having been given a charter by Wm Marshal the younger. [Justiciary Rolls, vol I, p369-71]. This would suggest that Leixlip may have received a similar charter.

Orpen, opus cit, Vol IV, p40, writes that the Act provided that ‘the county of Kildare, formerly a liberty intentive to the county of Dublin, be henceforth a county by itself’. This was after the re-drawing of the sheriffdoms of Dublin and Meath in 1297.

1297:  [Paraphrase]:  the King commanded the justiciary to determine the extent of the lands of Wm de Vesey, deceased, to reimburse his widow with her dower thereout. A jury said that William had at Kildare a castle with a piece of uncultivated land adjoining, worth 2s a year; £14 13s 4d of rent issuing out of tenements of men of Kildare; etc; the homage and service of Ralph Pypard of the manors of the Salmon Leap, Cloncurry and Chastelwaryn [Castlewarden], who held them by the service of two and a half knights’ fees, etc. [HS Sweetman, (ed), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, London, 1881, no.481, Close, 26 Edw. I, m 9-8 dors., 22/1/1297]. This confirms the tenancy Ralph Pipard had from the Marshal descendants at Leixlip, Cloncurry and Castlewarden.

The whole county of Kildare was assigned a part dower to Margaret countess of Lincoln, widow of Walter Marshal.

1297:  John Pyppard, son of lord Ralph Pyppard, remits and quit-claims for himself and his heirs to the said lord all his right and claim in [inter alia] the castle and manor of Salmon Leap etc., 12/5/1297. [Edmond Curtis (ed), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, Vol 1, 1172-1350, Dublin, 1932, No. 857.]

Ralph Pippard, it seems, settled in Cornwall, where about this time he is a witness from here to several charters created by Edward I.  [For examples see Calendar of Charter Rolls, Vol II, 1257-1300, Henry II – Edward I, London, 1906].  He had been encouraged by the king to surrender his Leinster lands by being given lands in England in their place.

1298-9:  The roll of great receipt contained:
Dublin, Saturday, 14/2/1298-9, John Wodelok [sheriff], of arrears of his account, by the Prior of St Catherine [Lucan], in corn, 1 mark; and:
The Prior of St Catherine, for himself and pledges, in corn, 4s 8d. [HS Sweetman, (ed), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, London, 1881, no.587, Q.R., Irish Exchequer, Bundle 532, no.29, m.10-14].

c1300-1400:  Crown policy meant only English people were given the most important jobs in the administration.  They often stayed only for a year or two. Consequently, the area under English control shrank rapidly. In area in which English rule had collapsed, the manors and villages which they had established soon disappeared. [Richter, opus cit, p164, 170.] Compare Leixlip manor remaining; Confey withering?

1302:  A deed dated 14/11/1302 whereby Sir Ralph Pypard, knight, gives, grants and surrenders to Edward I, all his castles, vills, manors, lands and tenements in Ireland, with their appurtenances, to hold to the King and his heirs with knights fees, advowsons of churches and religious houses, homages and services of free men, liberties and free customs, etc., thereunto belonging, together with the service of John Pipard, his son, and Matilda, John’s wife, due to the King for the manor of Clouncurrie [= Cloncurry?] which they held of Ralph in tail, with the reversion of the manor. [HS Sweetman and G F Handcock, (eds), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, London, 1886, 1302-1307, no.149]. Ralph Pypard arranged for his seneschal in Ireland, Gerald Tyrel, or his locum tenens, and one or two others to deliver up all his castles, manors etc in Ireland to the King. [HS Sweetman and G F Handcock, (eds), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, London, 1886, 1302-1307, no.148; Close, 30 Edw I, m.1]. The manor of Cloncurry was the barony of Oughterany. Pippard was the lawful descendant of Adam de Hereford. Also included were Leixlip, Castlewarden and Oughterard. [CDI, 1302-7, no.149.] The other de Hereford lands in Salt and Ikeathy had descended through other co-heiresses and, apart from Naas, had been purchased by the crown by c1302-17, thus ending the Marshal inheritance in most of Offelan. [Jocelyn Otway-Ruthven, ‘The medieval county of Kildare’, Irish Historical Studies, Vol XI, March 1959, p196-7.]

Pipard also surrendered manors of Donaghmoyne [sic] and Ardee in Uriel [Co Louth], and Dysart in Westmeath [Cal, ibid, no.167]. He was given English lands by Edward I to encourage his surrender of his Irish manors. In this way the Crown built up direct holdings in Ireland. [Orpen, opus cit, Vol IV, p50.]

On the same date, 14/11/1302, the King directed John Wogan, justiciary of Ireland, to measure or have measured the extent of the castles, vills, manors and lands surrendered to the King by Ralph Pipard and when he has received the seisin [=act of taking possession of freehold lands etc] of the castles etc he is to grant custody of them, with any issues decided as the Exchequer, Dublin.
[HS Sweetman and G F Handcock, (eds), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, London, 1886, 1302-1307, no.150, 30 Edw.I, m.16].

1302:  Walter, bishop of Exeter, then Treasurer [of Britain], received the following on rolls, with other rolls of ecclesiastical taxation of all Ireland, at the Exchequer on October 1st, 16 Edw. II (1322), in a bag under the seal of the Exchequer of Dublin, by the hand of Wm de Lughteburg, messenger of the King, the bag being delivered on behalf of the Treasurer and Barons of the Dublin Exchequer [Q.R., Irish Exchequer, Roll B., membrane 2]. The data is presented in a tabular form. ‘Tenths’ of the value were collected for the Pope’s or King’s use, depending on circumstances. [Cited as no.711 in HS Sweetman & GF Handcock (eds), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, 1302-1307, London, 1886, Q.R., Irish Exchequer, 533/9, Roll B, m. 2]: 

SEE OF DUBLIN
CHURCH VALUE TENTH

   -  INTER ALIA    

 -  
Prebend of Maynooth  [NB: none in Leixlip, a name which is not mentioned] £20 40s

Deanery of Dublin  

 -  

-          INTER ALIA   

 -  
Rent of the priory of St Catherine at Dublin             15s  111 /4 d 19d

Deanery of Tanehey  [= Taney]  

 -  

-          INTER ALIA   

 -  
Leuecan [= Lucan]   £20 40s
Vicarage of same 55s 4d 6s 61/2d
Temporalities of the priory of the House of St Catherine near the Salmon Leap      40s 4s
Adderk  [= Aderrrig] £8 16s
Deanery de Saltu [= of the Salmon Leap]  -  
The Deanery de Saltu } 5 marks half mark

Church of Donâmor  

 -  
A moiety of the church of the Salmon Leap 100s 10s
The church de Tasto, Co Kildare [= Taghadoe, Teach Tua?] £10 13s 4d              21s 4d
The priory of St Wolstan £4 18s 8d 9s 41/2   
Straffan £9 6s 8d 18s 8d
Vicarage of same 4 mark 8s 4d 6s 2d
Stacomeny               £21 6s 8d 42s 8d
The priory of St Catherine’s [first usage, chronologically, of the genitive case!] £7 5s 4d 14s 61/2  
The vicarage de Kyldroght or Celbridge 43s 4s 31/2d
Kylladonan  [= Killadoon] 42s 21/2d
Donaghcomper, Co Kildare 40s 4s
SUM OF TAXATION £71 4s -------
   -  

Deanery de Bree [= Bray]  

 -  
-  INTER ALIA   -  -  

Newcastle, Co. Dublin ; Kyltowyl, Belgrave [Clondalkin]   - various sums

 -  
Kylldreny [= Cooldrinagh?] with the chapel             £8 16s
The vicarage there £6 13s 4d 13s 4d

1302:  On 21/11/1302, Edward I directed Richard de Bageputz, constable of the castle of the Salmon Leap, to deliver that castle to the King or his attorney [Close, 30 Edw I, m.1, cited in HS Sweetman and G F Handcock, (eds), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, London, 1886, 1302-1307, no.157].

1303:  At Easter, 1303, those charged with assessing the extent of Ralph Pypard’s lands etc in Ireland reported that the lands did not equal by a great sum the value of the lands given by the King to Ralph in England for his life, in exchange for his Irish lands.  Whereupon the King ordered Ralph Pypard to attend at York to confer with the Council, but he did not do so by reason of his infirmity, and his lawyers indicated that Ralph’s son, John Pipard, had sought to impede the King in respect of some of the lands held by Ralph. To this end, an indented agreement between Ralph and John and a quit claim of John made to Ralph were produced. The indenture of agreement, dated 30/6/1294, provided for Ralph to grant to John, his son, all his castle, manors and tenements in Ergallia, Ulthonias, and Media, to wit the castle and manor de Saltu Salmonum [= Salmon Leap], the castle and manor de Atrio Dei [= Ardee],  Castellum Munitum [= Castlewarden; means: fortified castle] with all the manor, the castle and manor de Donachmayn, with the vills de Maundevile, Urdsalauch, and Houserard, with the services and customs de Rathdoneny, ..in the county of Kilkenny,.. to hold to John for his life rendering yearly 500 marks sterling to the Dominican friars at Chester. In the quit claim dated 12/5/1297 John Pipard remised and quit claims to Ralph Pipard all the right and claim he had in the above lands, to which was added Leinster.
The outcome of the matter was to be determined by the King and his Council; it is not recorded. [HS Sweetman and G F Handcock, (eds), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, London, 1886, 1302-1307, no.149].

1303-4:  The Appendix to the 38th Report of the Deputy Keeper of Public Records presents (p86) a transcript of the Calendar (= treasury accounts) pipe roll in this the 32nd year of the reign of Edward I. In respect of Salmon Leap (=Leixlip) there is an account by John Giffard, receiver, of the manor which belonged to Ralph Pypard (= Peppard) for one year to the feast of Circumcision. The charge due on the manor was £89 14s 1d, of which £72 10s was paid into the treasury and various allowances made for the construction of a kitchen in Leixlip castle; for the construction of a kiln to burn lime for the works of the castle and of Dublin Castle, and in breaking stone and cutting wood for sake; more for repairing mills and carriage of a mill stone there; an allowance for minding the castle and wood of the manor (at 1 1/2 d per day); Gerald Tyrel owed 68s for the fishery sold to him.  [See 1329-30.]

1303-04:  It is recorded that John and Nicholas de Saunford [= Sanford] did good service in Scotland in the war against the Bruces. 
[HS Sweetman and G F Handcock, (eds), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, London, 1886, 1302-1307, nos. 33 & 361].

1303 to 1344:  Ralph Pippard granted to Richard de Bakepuz, a virgate [a measure of land, esp. 30 acres] of the fishery, for salmon and otherwise, in Aneliffi, [= Liffey] on both sides of the Salmon Leap: rent, a rose. Date not legible. [Calendar to Christchurch Deeds, no. 970, cited in Appendix to 24th Report of the Deputy Keeper of Public Records in Ireland.] See 1276: Ralph Pippard to Wm de Bakepus.

1304:  A letter dated 2/5/1304 was sent by John Wogan, justiciar [in Ireland], to the King giving details of the action of novel desseisin brought by William Staloun and John Traharne against Walter de Keneleye concerning lands in Donaghmore and Kylmecridock [Kilmacredock], Co Kildare. [Cited as SC 8/163/8131 in Analecta Hibernica, No 34, Dublin, 1987, p53.]

In a related petition Walter de Keneleye asked for lands worth £8 odd in Ireland, as he had surrendered his lands to the King as he was afraid of the great lords who were opposing him. [opus cit, p53.]

1306:  Edward I ordered supplies from Ireland for his troops fighting Robert de Brus or Bruce in Scotland. [HS Sweetman and G F Handcock, (eds), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, London, 1886, 1302-1307, nos.505 and 610 refer].

1307:  Walter de Schuldam was a juror at Kilkenny this year. A Ms Shuldam of Leixlip married Rev Berwick of Leixlip.
[HS Sweetman and G F Handcock, (eds), Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, London, 1886, 1302-1307, no.653 refers].

1308:  John le Decer, Mayor of Dublin, who financed the building of the Newbridge, Leixlip, this year [See Pembridge’s Annals], had the aqueduct for supplying drinking water to Dublin repaired and a marble cistern built.  He also made another bridge on the Liffey in 1322.  He died in 1332, a very popular man. [JT Gilbert (ed), Annals of Ireland, 1162-1370, Chartularies of St Mary’s Abbey Dublin, London 1884] [Richter, opus cit, p162.]

1310:  Stephen was prior [of St Wolstan’s], about which time Nicholas Taaffe gave for ever to this priory the manor of Donaghcumper. [Mervyn Archdall, Monasticum Hibericum: or a history of the abbeys, priories, and other religious houses in Ireland, Vol II, Dublin, 1879, p291-6.]

1313:  Thomas, son of John le Kew, released to Robert Helgru, land of his father at the Salmon Leap, whereof one acre is situate between the land of Walter Havel on the south, that of Godfrey Keteryne on the north, that of John, the clerk, on the east, and the highway on the west; an acre and a half are situate between land of Stephen and William Martin on the south and north respectively, the Rye water on the east, and the land of John, the clerk, on the west; and half an acre lies between the land of Godfrey fitz Henry on the north and west, the highway on the south, and the land of John, the clerk on the east; to be held at the services due the chief lords.  Witnesses  -- Thomas Burgeis, then provost of the Salmon Leap, Geoffrey de Kerdyf, serjeant there, Robert Gyffard, Adam de Rathimegan, John Kat’, Richard Norreys, Hugh de Molinger, clerk. Dated, at the Salmon Leap, 6/6/1313 (6 Edward II). [Calendar to Christchurch Deeds, no. 543, cited in Appendix to 23rd Report of the Deputy Keeper of Public Records in Ireland.]

1314:  This year a writ issued to enquire if the churches of Stacumney and Donaghmore, in the advowson of the prior of St Wolstan, might be granted to the sole and separate use of the said prior. [Mervyn Archdall, Monasticum Hibericum: or a history of the abbeys, priories, and other religious houses in Ireland, Vol II, Dublin, 1879, p291-6.]

1315-16:  Edward Bruce landed at Larne on 26/5/1315 with 6,000 men. On of the leaders was John, son of Neil Campbell, king Robert Bruce’s nephew. He proceeded to plunder and lay waste as he went along, including the town of Dundalk. At Ardee he burnt the church when full of refugees, men, women and children. [Orpen, opus cit, Vol IV, p162-4.] 

He later defeated Roger Mortimer, Lord of Trim, and continued his march into Leinster before returning to Ulster, king of Ireland (May 1316). 

1316:  Benedict Pippard, kinsman of the first effective lord of Ardee, co Louth, Roger Pippard, owned Pippardstown, now Pepperstown, a little north of Ardee. He died about 115. His tenants included Ralph Burgeys [Burgess?], John Kerdyff, Stephen Horbard [Hereford, Herbert?], Wm le Blak, and John son of Ralph le Blak. Benedict’s son and heir was John Pippard, aged c25.  Note: not to be confused with the son of Ralph Pippard of Ardee’s son, John. Of interest is Pepperstown was “in the marches”, bordering on independent Irish country, which was at the mercy of neighbouring marauding clans as well as Edward Bruce’s invading army. Although his land was good, it was only valued at 4 pence per acre, and he had only 16 pence instead of 40 shillings scuttage to pay [for service of knight’s fee etc], on account of the effects of the location and the Bruce’s wars. By 1500 Pippardstown had passed out of the family’s hands. [Dermot MacIvor, ‘Estate of Benedict Pippard of Pippardstown, AD 1316’, JLAS, Vol XIV, No 3, 1959, p165-9.]

1316-17:  A famine in Ireland. [Orpen, opus cit, Vol IV, p212.]

1317: On 23/2/1317 Bruce advanced towards Dublin but stopped at Castleknock, probably because the Dubliners had burned the western suburbs about St Thomas St, to prevent the Scots obtaining shelter there from which to assault the city. At Castleknock Bruce took Hugh Tyrrell and his wife prisoners, releasing them on ransom. When Bruce saw the desperate measures taken by the citizens and learned that that the city was well fortified to resist assault, he turned aside to Leixlip, where he remained for four days, burning and plundering. At this time, castles and walled towns were not easily or quickly taken, and a long siege did not suit Bruce’s plan, as he had to feed his men off the country as he went. So he preferred to swoop down on the rich demesnes and manorial centres of the great Anglo-Norman lords. After Leixlip, he headed for Naas (a town with castles and monasteries), conducted by the de Lacys, and on to Castledermot, where he plundered the Franciscan monastery and then to Callan, (on 12 March), Co Kilkenny, which was a manorial town, later to have an Augustinian priory. Wherever they went they plundered the rich monasteries and even burned or broke churches. [Orpen, opus cit, Vol IV, p189-191.] 

Initially he was quite successful, but account must be taken of the fact that the liberty of Kildare was without effective leadership after the death of the Earl of Gloucester at Bannockburn. Mortimer took over as leader of the English army early in 1317. [Richter, opus cit, p159-60.]

1318:  The Annals of Ulster note that Edward Bruce was killed at Faughart, [co Louth] and that he, Bruce, was the destroyer of Ireland, both foreigners and Gaidhil. For three and a half years the people had suffered and had to eat each other.. [Richter, opus cit, p161.]

1318:  By petition of Council [?], Edward II, at York, on 6/6/1318, made a gift to Godfrey son of Henry of a messuage and a carucate of land in the town of Leixlip (Saltus Salmonis), to be held by him and his heirs from the king and his heirs at fee farm by rendering yearly 4 marks at the Exchequer of Dublin, at which sum the said messuage and land are valued, as appears by a certificate from the Treasurer and Barons of the said Exchequer. [Calendar of Charter Rolls, Vol III, London, 1908, p409.]

1319:  A stone bridge was built at Kilcullen by Master Maurice Jak(e) or Jakis, canon of Kildare Cathedral, and he made another in 1320 across the Barrow at Leighlin, the latter funded by the Mayor of Dublin, John le Decer, who paid for the Newbridge near Leixlip.  Prior to this most bridges were of timber, carried on timber piles, and several had been wrecked in the war of the Bruces. [Orpen, opus cit, Vol IV, p209.]

c1320-3:  The poor tenants of the demesne lands of the manors of Saggart and Leixlip petitioned the King (Edward II), asking to have arrears of rent remitted because of their poverty and shortage of tenants there. [Cited as SC 8/118/5882 in Analecta Hibernica, No 34, Dublin, 1987, p41.]

1323:  Richard Turnour was prior [of St Catherine’s]; in whose time this priory fell into so great poverty, and was so oppressed with debts that they were not able to support themselves. The King therefore granted his licence to the said prior, to enable him to assign and make over to Stephen Tyrrell abbot of the house of St Thomas, in Dublin, the said priory, with all its lands and possessions; and Wm de Hastend, descended from Warrisius, the first founder, confirmed this assignment. Witnesses, Alexander, archbishop of Dublin; Wm Rodier, dean of St Patrick’s, Dublin; Wm de Nottingham, precenter; et al. [Mervyn Archdall, Monasticum Hibericum: or a history of the abbeys, priories, and other religious houses in Ireland, Vol II, Dublin, 1879, p137].

1326:  St Catherine’s passes from the canons of St Victor to the canons of the abbey of St Thomas, Dublin. [Michael Mac Sweeney, ‘The Parish of Maynooth (1040 –1614)’, the Irish Ecclesiastical Record, October 1940, p309] The abbey of St Thomas the Martyr was another Augustinian foundation. See 1218.

1326:  Robert Bruce invaded Ireland again and threatened Ulster. [Richter, opus cit, p163.]

1327:  Small-pox epidemic in Ireland. [Orpen, opus cit, Vol IV, p212.]

1327:  From this year onwards, the Mortimers were the only English family of consequence to take any real interest in their Irish possessions. By 1360, 80% of English landowners did not look after their land in Ireland themselves. [Richter, opus cit, p163.]

1328:  Influenza epidemic in Ireland. [Orpen, opus cit, Vol IV, p212.]

1328:  Thomas de Warilowe, constable of Leixlip Castle, petitioned the King and Council in 1328, asking that the treasurer of Ireland be ordered to pay for repairs to the castle out of the issues of the manor and suggests that the cost would be £20. [Rot. Parl. ii, 256; Cal. Close Rolls, 1327-1330, p282, cited as SC 8/11/507 in Analecta Hibernica, No 34, Dublin, 1987, p8.]

1328 – 31:  Great dearth of corn in Ireland. [Orpen, opus cit, Vol IV, p212.]

1329-30:  Seamus Taaffe, [‘The role of the Castle in Kildare, 1169-1550’, JKAS, Vol XVIII, Part IV, 1998-99, p516-532] reports that Master Robert Lenginour spent £9 6s 8d on repairs to the king’s castle of Leixlip, this year; in 43rd Report of Deputy Keeper of Public Records in Ireland, 1912, p39. [See also 1304, 1329-30, 1340 and 1341-42.]

1330:  In this year a [de] Hereford of Co Kilkenny made a deed to which a wax seal of his family was attached. The seal includes a six-sided star in relief, with a leaping (bent) salmon within it and other signs outside the star. The first de Hereford, Adam, was given the barony of Saltus Salmonum [=Leixlip] by Strongbow. [Edmund Curtis, Calendar of Ormond Deeds, Vol I, no 617, cited and illustrated by Edmund Curtis, in ‘Some Medieval seals out of the Ormond Archives’, JRSAI, Vol 66, 1936, p1-3]

1332:  King Edward III made preparations to visit Ireland, but changed his mind at the last minute as France took priority. [Richter, opus cit, p162-3.]

1334:  John de Graunsete petitioned the King in 1334 asking him for redress against the treasurer and barons of Dublin Exchequer, who are distraining him to pay the full extent for the manor of Leixlip, although the tenants are so impoverished that they cannot pay their rents. [(C.81/215/7964), cited as SC 8/242/12061 in Analecta Hibernica, No 34, Dublin, 1987, p77.]

1334-45:  Simon, son of John, was Clerk of Leixlip during this period, according to a Calendar Pipe Roll cited in the 54th Report of the Deputy Keeper of Public Records in Ireland, p36. [Canon JB Leslie, Biographical Succession List of the Clergy of Glendalough Diocese]

1334-45:  Ralph Pedilowe released the manor of Parsoneston to Richard Bakepus. [In a deed no.970, Calendar of Christchurch Deeds, cited in Appendix to 24th Report of the Deputy Keeper of Public Records in Ireland.].  The deed was witnessed by [inter alia] Brother Wm de Bikirton, then prior of St Wilstan’s; Odo Hereford, Thomas Whyte of Ardresse, and Richard Delamare. Dated 12 Jan. 1344-5.

1335:  21st April, 1335, The Calendar of Papal Registers, Vol 2, records: “To Hugh de Saltu [Hugh of Leixlip], skilled in law. Provision of a canory of Dublin, with reservation of a prebend; notwithstanding that he has the Church of Kilhea, in the diocese of Meath, value £8. Concurrent mandate to the archbishop of Armagh, the bishop of Kildare and Roland de Scarampis.”  [opus cit, p516, reign of Benedict XII].

1337:  The prior of the Priory of the Holy Trinity, Dublin [=Christ’s Church] kept a record of his entertainment and related expenses. These included, business lunches or dinners with Hugh de Saltu [Salmonum], whom Cotton [unfamiliar reference] says was born at Leixlip, and was connected in some form with that manor. [James Mills (ed), Account Roll of the Priory of the Holy Trinity Dublin 1337-1346, RSAI, Dublin 1891, p146.] On 20/11/1337, ‘Wine for the Prior’s chamber at dinner and supper, 10 ½ d, for coming of master Hugh de Saltu, the marshal of the archbishop, and others. Also in ale for them, 10d. Around February 1338, there was similar expenditure for Hugh de Saltu, involving bread, wine, ale, herrings, tublyngs, plaice, trout, almonds and rice. And later the Prior incurred expenditure of 1d for the cost of a servant carrying a letter to Hugh de Saltu ‘on business of the house’. 
Hugh was a canon of St Patrick’s Cathedral, a post he got by Papal provision (Regesta Pontificum, vol iv, p517). In 1347 he became bishop of Ferns.

If Hugh de Saltu was the marshal of the Archbishop, it generally meant he was controller of the household or master of ceremonies in the hall of the Archbishop.  Hugh de Saltu may have led the Archbishop’s contingent to the hosting against the O’Byrnes, for which he was paid 100s for two horse lost in the company of John Rees, going against the ‘Obrynnes’ and other Irish enemies in parts of Leinster. A Fynok otothil [=O’Toole] was paid 66s 8d for wages for 10 hobelars and 12 footmen who took part in the attack on the O’Byrnes [sometime between 1337 and 1346]. [ibid, p157].

The prior also spent money entertaining the prior of St Wolstan’s.

1339:  Grant in tail made by Sir Walter de Maundevill to Thomas, his son, of the manors of Donaghmore, Blackcastle [Co Meath -  inserts editor] and Clonsangan at £40 pa to Walter for his life. Provision for reversion to Walter’s descendants etc. Witnesses: John de Cusack, John Bath, etc. Given at Blackcastle on Thursday next after the feast of St David in 13 Edward III, i.e. March, 1339.  [Edmond Curtis (ed), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, Vol 1, 1172-1350, Dublin, 1932, No. 720.]

1340:  Thomas Burgeys and Thomas le Whyte were appointed to oversee the repairs of the houses, walls and mill of the castle and town of Leixlip. [47thReport of the Deputy Keeper of Public Records in Ireland, 1915, p42.] [Cited by Seamus Taaffe, ‘The role of the Castle in Kildare, 1169-1550’, JKAS, Vol XVIII, Part IV, 1998-99, p516-532.]

1341-2:  Master Robert Lenginour (Robert the engineer?) received £11 9s 10d for carrying out work s at the castle of Leixlip and further moneys in 1343.  [Bradley J, Halpin A, and King, H, 1986, p310, Urban Archaeology Survey Co. Kildare, 4 Vols, unpublished report, OPW.] [Cited by Seamus Taaffe, ‘The role of the Castle in Kildare, 1169-1550’, JKAS, Vol XVIII, Part IV, 1998-99, p516-532.]  Taaffe noted that J Harvey, English Medieval Architects, London, 1954, p166, footnote 24, suggests that Robert was in charge of military works on Irish castles until 1341 or later.

1348:  A plague arrived in Ireland, affecting townspeople most of all, but ultimately everyone. [Richter, opus cit, p165.]

1348:  In June 1348 The Calendar of Papal Registers, Vol 3, records: “To the archbishop of Cashel, the bishop of London and the archdeacon of Wells. Mandate to induct Geoffrey, bishop of Ferns into that see, to which being reserved to the pope, he was appointed on the death of Adam; Hugh de Saltu, canon of Dublin and chaplain of archbishop Alexander, who was intruded into the said see, being cited to appear before the pope.”  I.e, the pope wished to appoint Hugh de Saltu to be bishop of Ferns. [in the reign of pope Clement VI, opus cit, p253.]

1349:  The Pipe Roll (no.66) in the 22nd year of the reign of King Edward III of England (1327 - 1377) recorded: "Leixlip - the Prior and brethern of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem in Ireland account for £40 12s 1/4d (for the) farm of the Manor of Leixlip..." [54th Report of the Deputy Keeper of Public Records in Ireland]. Their actual date of acquisition of Leixlip (following the surrender of Leixlip by Ralph Pippard) from the crown is not to hand. [See Jocelyn Otway-Ruthven, ‘The medieval county of Kildare’, Irish Historical Studies, Vol XI, March 1959, p198.] An analogous position arose in Kilkeel, co Kildare, when in 1335 there is first mention of the Knights Hospitaller castle there, which served as an important outpost of the Pale. It was “near the Irish enemies, the O’Tooles, where resistance and defence are required.” [Con Costello, Kildare, Donaghdee, Co Down, 2005, p36].

1349:  By deed, dated 24/6/1349, made at Personestoun, John de Bakbys [aka Bakepuz, Bakepus] released to Adam de Blakborn, clerk, Thomas de Blakbourne and Simon Loterall, land [,] and a mill at the Salmon Leap, in the manor of Parsonestoun near Donacoumpre, co. Kildare.  Witnesses included Wm. Comyn, knight, brothers Wm de Bykertoun, prior of St Wilstan, Matthew Whyte and John Baysom, canons, Hugh Hereford, John fitzJohn, clerk of Leap, and Richard de Lamore [=Delamare]. [Deed no.970, Calendar to Christchurch Deeds, cited in Appendix to 24th Report of the Deputy Keeper of Public Records in Ireland].

1349:  John Fitzgibbon was Clerk of Leixlip. [Source, Leslie, ibid].

1350:  John O’Byrne was elected leader of the O’Byrnes of Leinster in the presence of the justiciar, Thomas de Rokeby.  He was paid to keep his area of influence peaceful for 2 years. [Richter, opus cit, p171.]

c1350:  This year is the first record of a gun in Ireland. [Tadhg O’Keeffe, Medieval Ireland – an Archaeology, Stroud, 2000, p55]

1354:  Muirchertach Mac Murrough became king of Leinster, at the same time accepting money from the Dublin treasury in return for good behaviour.  [Richter, opus cit, p171.]

1360:  Roger, was priest of Confey. [Canon Leslie, p84.]

1361:  Edward III sent his son, Lionel of Clarence, to Ireland as ‘royal lieutenant’. [Richter, opus cit, p165-6.] Clarence’s daughter married Edmund Mortimer, Lord of Meath.

1362:  Clarence came again in this year and on his initiative the Statutes of Kilkenny were approved. These effectively forbad intercourse between the Irish and Anglo-Irish; the enforced usage of English, including names for children etc. [Richter, opus cit, p166-7.]

1367:  On 18 Kal. January, 1367 The Calendar of Papal Registers, Vol 4, records: “To the abbot of St Thomas and the prior of All Saints, Dublin, and the archdeacon of Down. Mandate to carry out the ordinances touching apostates in regard to Laurence Wyteleye, canon of the Augustinian priory of St Wulstan, in the diocese of Dublin, bearer of these presents, who, having left his order, desires to be reconciled to it.” [In the reign of pope Urban V, opus cit, p69.]

1380:  The manor of Donaghcumper having been granted to this priory [of St Wolstan’s] in 1310, and without licence, it was seized in the King’s hands, but was this year restored. [Mervyn Archdall, Monasticum Hibericum: or a history of the abbeys, priories, and other religious houses in Ireland, Vol II, Dublin, 1879, p291-6.]

1391:  Peter was prior [of St Wolstan’s], for this year we find him sued by John, the son of Robert Moynagh, and Joan, his wife, the widow of the late Wm Ford, for the third part of a rent of one hundred shillings, together with its appurtenances in Donaghcumper and Stupple’s mill. [Mervyn Archdall, Monasticum Hibericum: or a history of the abbeys, priories, and other religious houses in Ireland, Vol II, Dublin, 1879, p291-6.]

1394:  Richard II came to Ireland with 10,000 men, but stayed only 6 months, after securing loyal cooperation from almost all the Irish clan-leaders. [Richter, opus cit, p174.]

1399:  Richard II came to Ireland a second time, during which time Henry of Lancaster swept him from the English throne. [Richter, opus cit, p174.]

c1400:  By this time the English king’s lordship of Ireland was reduced to Dublin, Kildare, Meath and Louth, and area of about 20 by 30 miles, and a few towns outside this area. [Richter, opus cit, p174.]

1402:  In October 1402 The Calendar of Papal Registers, Vol V, records: “To the archbishop of Dublin, the abbot of St Thomas the Martyrs, and the prior of All Saints, without the walls of Dublin. Mandate to carry out Benedict XII’s ordinances, here recapitulated, [re] Laurence Whtcheley, Augustinian…, priest, bearer of these presents, who left his order about 30 years ago, and has worn the dress of a secular clerk. “ [in the reign of Pope Boniface IX, opus cit, p495.]

1413-1422:  Robert, son of John Loterell, released to James Iryell and Margery, his wife, a mill and land in Personestoun, near St Wolstanes, lands in Stacony [Stacumny], Co Dublin, a messuage etc. Dated 10/2/??, King Henry V. [Deed no.970, Calendar to Christchurch Deeds, cited in Appendix to 24th Report of the Deputy Keeper of Public Records in Ireland].

c1414:  The building of tower houses to defend the Pale may have begun c1414 when Sir John Talbot was the King’s Lieutenant in Ireland. He arrived this year. [Padraic O’Farrell, A History of County Kildare, Dublin 2003, p40.]

1422-1460?:  John Gyffard, clerk, released to Robert [Nott], Walter [Northampton], …chaplains, the premises in.. Parsonstoun as lately belonging to John Blackburn. [Deed no.970, Calendar to Christchurch Deeds, cited in Appendix to 24th Report of the Deputy Keeper of Public Records in Ireland].

1429: An Act offered subsidies of £10 towards building fortified houses in counties Louth, Meath, Dublin and Kildare.  Walled bawns protected the cattle against raiders from without the Pale. [Padraic O’Farrell, A History of County Kildare, Dublin, 2003, p41.]

1447:  Richard of York acted as locum tenens from this year until 1460, but making only a brief visit to Ireland.  He was well liked by the Anglo-Irish. [Richter, opus cit, p174.]

c1460:  Will of Joan White, apparently of Leixlip: “In the name of God. Amen. I, Joan White, though feeble in body yet sound in mind, do make my testament in this manner. First, I bequeath my soul to Almighty god, St Mary and all the saints, and my body to be buried in the cemetery of St Mary, at Leixlip [Lexlepe]. Item: I leave for funeral expenses for bread, five measures of wheat; for ale, 6 measures of malt’ for meat, one cow; for the obsequies, four priests with their clerks; four pounds [weight] of wax. Item: I leave one acre of wheat to the parish church of Leixlip. Item: I leave one three-legged pan and one trough with two trundles for the use of my neighbours of the said town [ville] of Leixlip, for the health of my soul and my predecessors. All my other property (whether in goods or in the hands of my debtors) not specially mentioned in this testament, I desire to be distributed by the hands of my administrators, to pious uses for the health of my soul, and that my creditors may likewise be satisfied by their [the administrators’] hands. Item: I make and leave John Lytyll and Avice Flattysberry administrators of this testament.” Undated, but within the period of the reference source  - Henry E Berry (ed), Register of Wills and Inventories of the Diocese of Dublin 1457-1483, JRSAI, 1898, p48.

1461:  In this year Sir Edmund Butler founded the Augustinian house of Callan, Co Kilkenny, which was made head of the Irish congregation in 1479, and independent of English control. [Michael Richter, Medieval Ireland: The Enduring Tradition, Dublin 1988, p181.]

1462:  Margery Waffre, [= Weafer? ] widow, granted to her cousin, Wm Typpyr, [= Tipper; see 1597] lands in Parsonestoun, Co Kildare, at the services due the chief lord. Dated 16/12/1462. [Deed no.970, Calendar to Christchurch Deeds, cited in Appendix to 24th Report of the Deputy Keeper of Public Records in Ireland]

1463:  Archbishop Ml Tregury confirmed to the canons of St Thomas the moiety of the churches of Confey and Saltus Salmonum [Leixlip], with the added authority of Parliament. The Repertorium Viride [=Fresh Discoveries] states that ‘the church, then called by the title of the Blessed Mary of Leixlip, was originally called “de Harnia” (corrected by an insertion “Herveo” [=Hervey]), as was also the castle, perhaps from Hervey [de Montmorice], the uncle of Count (sic) Richard’ [Strongbow].


1463:  In the year 1463, it was enacted by parliament, that the Church of St Columb, in this county [of Kildare], should be annexed to the Monastery of the Blessed Virgin, near Leixlip. [King, p138] [Mervyn Archdall, Monasticum Hibericum: or a history of the abbeys, priories, and other religious houses in Ireland, Vol II, Dublin, 1879, p281-2.]

c1468:  Garret Mor FitzGerald, the ‘Great Earl’ became the first of the Earls of Kildare, and assumed the senior position in Ireland for the Crown.

1473:  On the 3/11/1473, John, archbishop of Dublin, writing from his palace of St Sepulchre, [now Kevin St Garda station], directed William Huch, perpetual vicar of Cloncurry in the diocese of Kildare, to hold on his behalf a ‘synod’ in the Deanery of Leap [sic; i.e., Salmon Leap], to exact and receive the cathedratic or synodals [= sum of 2 shillings paid by inferior clergy to the bishop or archdeacon], to visit the clergy and people of that Deanery at the top and among the members, to correct crimes and excesses and to reform their mores; to adjudicate in causes which are mooted and ongoing in that behalf; to decree causes finally by definitive sentence and with dispensation in cases reserved to us and to receive proxies and to transact in our stead other matters which may [seem] necessary or in anyway meet to the office of Commissary in that Deanery; also with power of every canonical punishment, etc.
-  cited in Henry E Berry (ed), Register of Wills and Inventories of the Diocese of Dublin 1457-1483, JRSAI, 1898, p36-37 and 204.

1474:  On 12/8/1474 William White, chaplain of St Columba’s parish church, Confey, had an appeal hearing before Brother Wm Stevenot, prior of All Saints, near Dublin, and Delegate of the Apostolic See, against a decision and sentence passed on him by John Alleyn, dean of the church of Dublin, and lately guardian of the jurisdiction of the Archbishopric of Dublin during the then vacancy of the See.  The business concerned a dispute between the chaplain, W. White, and the abbot and convent of the Monastery of St Thomas the Martyr, near Dublin. A application was made by Walter Eustace, proctor [=manager of court business] for the chaplain, Wm White, to the court causing the abbot and convent and John Alleyn, the judge, to be called. They, not appearing, Walter Fitzsimon, advocate of Wm White, sought to have them pronounced contumacious [=insubordinate] and he sought that the judge should pronounce that his jurisdiction was valid; that the appellant was not too late with his appeal. As the parties were contemplating resorting to arms to collect the tithes of the church of Confey, the judge, in order to prevent bloodshed, pending the suit, decreed that the fruits and tithes of the church should be sequestered and he sequestered them and ordered them to be preserved. Witnesses summoned and questioned in the premises were brother Wm Kerney, Canon of the cathedral church of the Holy Trinity, Dublin; Wm Blewet, chaplain; Nicholas boys, Canon of the cathedral church of St Patrick, Dublin; Wm Chamberlayn, gentleman; Richard Gerrot, yeoman [NB: Confey family], and John Alexander, yeoman, also Wm Stewenot, literate - cited in Henry E Berry (ed), Register of Wills and Inventories of the Diocese of Dublin 1457-1483, JRSAI, 1898, p99-102.

1477:  On the 21/5/1477 the will and testament of John Borrard of Backweston was registered and proved before Richard Fich, official of the court of Dublin, and the administration of the goods was granted to Borrard’s executors, Richard and William Borrarde [sic], ‘they being sworn in form of law’. The will and inventory of the testator’s goods exemplifies the civilised and orderly nature of local life then, as well as the extent and type of agriculture practised. Note that testators at this time were required by law to provide a certain measure of her or his estate to the church, and to make the will in the presence of clergy and neighbours!
A few days earlier an inventory of all his goods was made: 13 ½ acres of wheat and barley worth £13 12s 6d; oats in fields of 141/2 acres worth 29s; wheat grain and malt in the haggard, eighty measures, worth 5 marks; 5 farm horses worth 25s; a cow with Thomas Forste of Hodgestown, in Fingal, worth 5s; and also with him, 2 young bullocks worth 2s; a cow with John Brounewesyn, in Meath, worth 5s; and a young bullock worth 12d; hogs worth 8s; 19 head of two-year-old sheep worth 9s 6d; 12 head of lambs worth 4s; brass pots worth 30s; 2 small pots worth 8s; 2 brass pans worth 5s; 2 small skillets worth 12d; 4 gammons of bacon worth 12s; and all other household stuff worth 12s. 
These are the debts due to him: Henry Rede owes 13s 3d; Thomas Row the younger owes 3s; Richard Row, of Churchtown, owes 2s  4 ½ d.  Maurice Brenane owes 5s 6d. Sum of all the goods, £17 4s 10 ½d. 

These are the debts he owes to others: ‘to the lord for rent, 23s 10d’; to John, prior of the house of St Wolstan, 4s 9d; to Sir Nicholas Millon, canon of the said house, 24s; to Ellen Battemane, 4d; to William Laules, his servant, for wages, 8d; to Wm White, 12d; to Sir Richard Taverner, canon, 5s; to John Rosere, merchant, Dublin, 18d; to Anstace Yonge, 2s; to Patrick Gerrot, smith, 2d. To Jenkyn Smythe of Lucan, 8d and a measure of wheat. Clear sum, £14 16s 1d; sum of the debts, £10 13 0d.

In his will he bequeath his soul to God etc., and his body to be buried in the church of the monastery of St Wolstan. To Ellen Borrarde, his daughter, he left 1 acre of wheat and 1 of oats. To the prior and convent of the house of St Wolstan, for the health of his soul, 1 acre of wheat, and to his executors he left authority to dispose of all his goods, moveable and immovable, “as to them may seem best for the health of my soul”. ‘Portion of the deceased, 7 marks 5s 4d.’ - cited in Henry E Berry (ed), Register of Wills and Inventories of the Diocese of Dublin 1457-1483, JRSAI, 1898, p140-2. In 1475-6, the king granted liberty to John Brounuesyn (aka Brownunsinge) and others the right to establish a guild of glovemakers in Dublin. In 1523-4 one John Browunsinge had 35 acres in Esker and Balliowne [sic], and he devised all his lands to the church of Esker etc. [Henry E Berry, opus cit, p 192-3.]

1478:  On 27th May, presumed 1478, the ecclesiastical court in the time of Archbishops Tregury and Walton excommunicated “Wm Gerrote, of Leixlip, on account of his contumacy [insubordination] incurred before us, at the instance of Janico Dartas, and we have decreed execution”. [Henry E Berry (ed), Register of Wills and Inventories of the Diocese of Dublin 1457-1483, JRSAI, 1898, p183-4.]  Note Gerrard families buried in Confey graveyard in 18th century; see headstones. Also in Celbridge’s Tea Lane cemetery.

1487:  This year marks the earliest recorded use of firearms in Ireland, with cannon being used the following year. [Tadhg O’Keeffe, Medieval Ireland.]

1494:  A statute of Henry VII for this year stated that only Englishmen were to be appointed to the office of constable at a number of particular castles including Leixlip castle. [Source cited by Seamus Taaffe, ‘The role of the castle in Kildare 1169-1550’, JKAS, Vol XVIII, Part IV, 1998-99, p516-532.] The castles were the King’s castles of Athlone, Carlingford, Carrickfergus, Dublin, Greencastle, Leixlip, Trim and Wicklow. [Desmond Guinness and Wm Ryan, Irish houses & castles, London, 1971, p211.]

The second part of John Colgan's extensive chronology of Leixlip from 1200 - 1499 AD - it will be saved under Specific areas in Co. Kildare but can also be searched for by typing in Leixlip in the search box. Our thanks to John

April 05, 2007

LEIXLIP CHRONOLOGY TO 1199 AD

Leixlip Chronology to 1199 AD             

compiled by

JOHN COLGAN

BC8000:  Ireland and Britain (Scotland) are assumed to have become separate land-masses.

BC5000:  Mesolithic people hunt around the Dublin area. Large quantities of stone axes were found in co Antrim. These early settlers kept themselves through hunting and fishing, with no evidence of farming.  Large quantities of flints, burial places, bones and some artefacts found in Cooldrinagh by archaeologists working in connection with an expansion of Leixlip Water Works, c2004-6.

BC4000:  The first period of advanced civilisation, indicated by megalithic tombs, is dated to this period. New arrivals, neolithic people, left stone axes, mainly at Sutton. One stone axe/hammer has been found at Barnhall / Parsonstown. The large stone constructions and tombs still preserved in Ireland are from this, the late Stone Age. Modern DNA studies are likely to show the connections between different peoples; TCD experts are involved.

cBC3500:  Neolithic men settle at Cooldrinagh [= Blackthorn Recess], Leixlip, where a megalithic burial chamber, cists, skull bones, both cremated and uncremated, were found in 2005-6, together with several cairns and animal remains on top of mounds hitherto believed to be the original Viking settlement in Leixlip. [See archaeological reports associated with Fingal Co Council’s Water Works in Cooldrinagh, 2006]. The finds are similar in many respects to those found at Mount Sandal, near the Salmon Leap 2 miles out of Coleraine, [= Fern Recess], Co Derry.

BC3000:  People are beginning to settle in the Liffey valley in some numbers. The first settlers choose to live inland, as power meant control of grazing land; exemplified by Tara and Cashel. The coastal regions were relatively late being settled. [Michael Richter, Medieval Ireland: The Enduring Tradition, Dublin 1988, p8.] Wealth was measured in terms of cattle. Note the fulacht fiadh find at Barnhall, on Hewlett Packard lands. Many more have been located more recently in Kilmacredock, Easton and Collinstown in connection with preliminary works on the motorway interchange road.

BC1900:  Approximate commencement date for the Bronze Age in the Dublin area. Bronze Age finds do not extend beyond BC350. [E E O’Donnell, The Annals of Dublin ~ Fair City ~, Dublin, 1987.] Note Bronze Age excavations and finds at Cooldrinagh.

BC300:  The Celts arrive in Ireland from Britain and the European mainland over several centuries, ending in the first century BC. They have weapons and tools of iron. With the expansion of the Roman Empire in Western Europe, Celtic culture became increasingly insular.

>300:  Irish history commenced in the 4th century AD, when contemporary written evidence started to appear, beginning with the area of Christianity and only gradually including non-Christian area. [Michael Richter, Medieval Ireland: The Enduring Tradition, Dublin 1988, p3] The oldest Irish annals were written on Iona, presumably from the time of Colm Cille onwards. They are not preserved in the original [opus cit, p82-3]. The earliest evidence of Irish-Gaelic language dates from the 4th century, ie, Ogham inscriptions, centuries before Welsh, Manx and Cornish. Scots and Irish Gaelic remained the same up to the 17th century [opus cit, p11]. Archaic old Irish extended from 4th century to c750.

Ogam or Ogham means writing in the Irish language, in which the earliest records, usually memorials of the dead ruling class, were handed down. The letters are written with reference to a vertical axis, usually the edge of a stone. The letters of the Latin alphabet are marked by means of lines or strokes for consonants and notches for vowels. Most Ogham stones date from 6th century, with some from the 5th and some from the 7th [Michael Richter, Medieval Ireland: The Enduring Tradition, Dublin 1988, p30-1]. An ogham stone was found at Donoghmore cemetery, near Pike’s bridge. There may be other ogham, or perhaps standing, stones in Newtown, Celbridge.

>300:  The smallest political union at this time and later was the kingdom, of which there were dozens [c150?]. The closest to a single supremacy that medieval Ireland was ever to know did not occur until the 12th century [Michael Richter, Medieval Ireland: The Enduring Tradition, Dublin 1988, p9]. The king ruled over a tuaith (district), and he presided over the people’s assembly (oenach, aonach), that class of people who made political decisions. To secure compliance, he received hostages from his noblemen as well as ‘tributes’ [opus cit, p17]. The smallest social unit was the clan down to the 4th generation [opus cit, p18]. The political unit was nearly self-sufficient; for the majority life was very meagre, and few left the túat.

>300:  Ireland’s population in the early Middle Ages is estimated at below half a million [Michael Richter, Medieval Ireland: The Enduring Tradition, Dublin 1988, p9].

391:  St Augustine was ordained [Annals of Ulster, Vol I, p9]. St Catherine’s and St Wolstan’s were Augustinian foundations.

c400: The Liffey valley was the northern centre of the (men of) Laigin from the 5th cent onwards [Michael Richter, Medieval Ireland: The Enduring Tradition, Dublin 1988, p37].

430:  St Augustine died 28/8/430 aged 75 [Annals of Ulster, Vol I, p9].

430:  Pope Celestine I sent Palladius to Ireland to propagate the faith. He landed in Leinster with 12 men. He baptised a few persons and made 3 wooden churches [in east co Wicklow]. As he did not receive respect in Ireland he decided to return to Rome and died of a disease en route [John O’Donovan (ed), Annals of the Four Masters, Dublin, 1856, year 430]. See 431 for alternative date.

431:  Pope Celestine I ordained St Patrick to go to Ireland etc [John O’Donovan (ed), Annals of the Four Masters, Dublin, 1856, year 431].

431:  Pope Celestine sent Palladius as the first bishop to the Irish who believe in Christ, probably coming via Wales. This date is documented by a French chronicler. He is said to have established three churches in Leinster, opposite north-west Wales. The prominent missionary, Patrick, came sometime from c 400 to c460AD and the earliest extant copies of his works date to 9th and 10th centuries. He referred in his two works more frequently to monks and nuns than he does to ordinary baptised people. He did not give concrete details of the region in which he was active, nor did he mention that he was a bishop. After his writings, nothing more is heard of him in the 6th century. Palladius seemed to have spent a long time among the Irish, according to Pope Celestine’s tribute to him. Patrick seems to have worked in Ulaid [Ulster], hence Armagh being the diocesan seat traced to him, and he is said to have died at Downpatrick, Co Down. He had no contact with Rome. Some scholars believe that the later legends of Patrick were compiled from accounts relating to both him and Palladius. There was a considerable Christian community in Ireland since the 4th century which, from Patrick’s statements, does not appear to have been located in the northeast of the island, but is more likely to have been in the area of Palladius’s activities, principally in Leinster [Michael Richter, Medieval Ireland: The Enduring Tradition, Dublin 1988,p43-9].

According to available sources, the early Irish Church was chiefly monastic in character, and there is no record of a life of a bishop, Patrick apart. There is no ready explanation for why this has been the case.

432:  Patrick came to Ireland [O’Donovan suggests he landed at Bray, co Wicklow] and he founded Ath Truim [=Trim, about 27km distant from Donaghmore church, nr Pike’s bridge] [John O’Donovan (ed), Annals of the Four Masters, Dublin, 1856, year 432].
>500: The first group of monastic founders were in the first fifty years of the 6th century, until the plague of 548/549, each more or less on the border between the provinces, running east west. These included Finnian of Clonard, co Meath (d549), who was a teacher of Colm Cille [Michael Richter, Medieval Ireland: The Enduring Tradition, Dublin 1988, p50-53].

c520:  Colum Cille, aka St Columba [the elder], was born c518-522 [Annals of Ulster, Vol I, p41].  His order probably established the medieval parish church of St Columba, Confey. Colm Cille had royal ancestry in Leinster on his mother’s side, with his father a descendant from the northern Uí Néill. As a monk he received the name Columba, ‘dove’, a common religious name in 6th cent Ireland [Michael Richter, Medieval Ireland: The Enduring Tradition, Dublin 1988, p54-56].

523:  St Brigid died, thirty years after St Patrick [Annals of Ulster, Vol I, p41].

539:  Cath Cuile Dréimne [the battle of Cul-dreimne] [=Culdremny, at the foot of Ben Bulben mountain, co Sligo; see photo, in John Marsden, The Illustrated Life of Columba, Edinburgh, 1995, p38] took place. Wm M Hennessy, who edited the Annals of Ulster, asserts that the real cause of this battle would seem to have been the rivalry of two great families, that of King Diarmait Mac Cerbhaill, of Curnan, who was forced from St Columba’s protection to which he had fled, and other sons of the King of Connaught. However, O’Donovan, editor of Annals of the Four Masters, says that an additional cause was a decision given by King Diarmait in a dispute between Colm Cille and St Finnen. Colm Cille left Ireland for Iona two years after the battle. Hennessy writes that the name Cooledrevny is now obsolete, but [John] Colgan [Trias Thaum., p452] states that the place was in the territory of Carbury, near Sligo, on the north [Annals of Ulster, Vol I, p56-7].  Yes, there is a Carbury [spelt slightly differently] in or near Sligo. There were two Finnians [sic], one, Colum Cille’s teacher, a bishop, of Clonard, and another who may be the same as he of Clonard, of near Bangor, co Down [Michael Richter, Medieval Ireland -  The Enduring Tradition, Dublin 1988, p51 etc].

543: Columbanus [or Columba the younger] was born in Leinster in 543, and received his training at Bangor, co Down [not a Colm Cille foundation] and left there for the Continent in 587, aged 44 [Michael Richter, Medieval Ireland: The Enduring Tradition, Dublin 1988, p56-7]. Do not confuse with Colm Cille, or Columba the elder!

544:  A plague struck Ireland [Annals of Ulster, Vol I, p49].

>544:  In the 2nd half of the 6th century, monastic foundations are evident in all regions of Ireland. Colum Cille (d597) founded Derry (c546), Durrow, co Offaly (c556) and Iona (563). According to tradition, Finnian was an example and inspiration for several founders of monasteries. Because of their geographic spread, Patrick is unlikely to have influenced their locations [Michael Richter, Medieval Ireland: The Enduring Tradition, Dublin 1988, p50-53]. In monasteries with a secular ruler who was proprietor of the church and/or monastery lands, he had a decisive say in the appointment of the abbot. The abbots usually came from noble families that had been unsuccessful in attaining kingship.

545:  Daire Colum Cille [at Derry] was founded [Annals of Ulster, Vol I, p51].

561:  Colum Cille was condemned by a synod this year (his dispute with Finnian and the High King) [Michael Richter, Medieval Ireland: The Enduring Tradition, Dublin 1988, p54-6].

563:  Colm Cille moved to Iona, off the west coast of Scotland. Iona became the centre of his work until his death there in 597. He journeyed to Durrow and his other monasteries and he was highly respected. Their life-style at Iona is recorded by Adomnán, his biographer. Only the church was situated apart from the residential buildings [Michael Richter, Medieval Ireland: The Enduring Tradition, Dublin 1988, p54-6].

594:  Colum Cille died aged 75. [Annals of Ulster, Vol I, p75.]

c600-700:  Gregory the Great, a pope of Irish descent, said to be buried on the Aran islands, was called the most important teacher in Ireland in the 7th century [See Archivum Historiae Pontificae 10, 1972, p 9-23].
 
>600:  The name ‘Ireland’ is of Scandinavian origin and first documented in the late Viking era. Hibernia and Scotia were both Latinised versions of names used for Ireland from the late 7th century, but Scotia gradually became connected with northern Britain [Michael Richter, Medieval Ireland: The Enduring Tradition, Dublin 1988, p9].

>600:  No church buildings from the 7th cent are preserved, because then they were almost exclusively of timber [usually ash]. The oldest stone ones, with steep stone roofs, eg, St Kevin’s, Glendalough, and ‘Colm Cille’s house’, Kells, were modelled on the timber ones.

>600: From this time on confederations of monasteries were founded, known as paruchiae; these crossed political and territorial boundaries, and continued after the death of the founder. The legal procedures involved in founding a monastery is not clear, but those of the 6th century were founded in areas which had not been previously settled, or hardly been settled; neither were they in no man’s land. Sometimes the land did not pass into the legal possession of the monastery, so that the monastery may sometimes belong to the family [Michael Richter, Medieval Ireland: The Enduring Tradition, Dublin 1988, p61].

>600:  Ireland seems to have been christianised by now. Christianity seems to have been passively accepted, there being no martyrs for the cause. For some individuals, it was the sole purpose in life, but for the population at large, it was by no means an all-embracing way of life [Michael Richter, Medieval Ireland: The Enduring Tradition, Dublin 1988, p64-7].

c650:  Watermills were introduced into Ireland in the 7th cent particularly by monasteries, but also by secular landowners. Previously corn had been crushed by stone hand-mills. The ancient law texts (Coibnes Uisci Thairidne) determined that the person with the source of the millstream on his land enjoys greater profit from it than its owner. Early mills were horizontal mills; note remains of horizontal mill on Sileachán stream; source of streams is on lands of Confey abbey. Mill is south of Columb’s Well. [Michael Richter, Medieval Ireland: The Enduring Tradition, Dublin 1988, p89].

651:  In a note on the earliest record of corn mills in Ireland, the Dublin Penny Journal of 29/9/1832, p.108/9, refers to wheat mills in Ireland in this year.

c700:  The Book of Durrow is from this time. A box-shrine to contain it was made by Flann, son of Malachy Máelsechnaill and inscription to this effect was written on it. Flann was King of Ireland, 879-916 [Sterling de Courcy Williams, ‘The Termon of Durrow’, JRSAI, Vol 29, 1899, p46].

737:  Faelan, king of Leinster, died this year. The Ui Faelain was the tribe-name of the powerful sept descended from Faelan, the king. The name also applies to the territory occupied by the clan, which included the northern part of the co of Kildare until shortly after the Anglo-Norman invasion, when they were driven out of this district and settled in the east of the present county of Wicklow. In later times the most respectable representatives of the sept were the families of O’Byrne and Mac Eochaidh (or Keogh) [Adapted from footnote, Annals of Ulster, vol I, p`96-7]. Boazio’s map of Ireland of 16th locates this territory where Kilmacredock is now.

c750:  Old Irish language extended from this time to around 900.

764:  There were wars between monastic communities. This year Clonmacnoise fought against Durrow where 200 were reputed to have died. Does this account for the many graves at Stacumny discovered in an excavation for a swimming pool for Cathal Ryan, owner of Stacumny House? [Michael Richter, Medieval Ireland: The Enduring Tradition, Dublin 1988, p99].

781: The battle of ‘Righe’ took place on the 1st November (all Hallows day?) in which the men of the Bregh (Breaga) gained over the Leinstermen, in which were slain Cucongalt, king of Rath-inbhir [said to be in the barony of Newcastle, co Wicklow]. Diarmait mac Conaing and Maelduin mac Fergus and Fogertach mac Cumascach, two descendants of Cernach, were victors in the battle of Rigi [sic] [Annals of Ulster, 780]. O’Donovan, editor of the Four Masters, says in a note for year 776, [p254, AoU] that this was the Rye at Leixlip, but Shearman identifies it with the King’s river, in the centre of Wicklow.

795:  Vikings attacked the monastery on Lambay Island, off Dublin, perhaps the first Viking raid in the Dublin region.

>800: Towns and villages did not exist before the 9th century. Instead, most lived in individual settlements, each known as a ráth. The name ‘ring fort’ is misleading, because the settlement was not fortified. A ráth consisted of an area of diameter of at least 10 metres, the perimeter of which was dug out and thrown up to make an embankment outside it. Palisades were erected on the embankments to fend off animals. Inside the enclosed area were buildings made of convenient materials, branches plastered with mud, and roofs of shingles or turf. If the enclosure was of stone, the living area was called a caisel. Around 30,000 have been so far recorded in Ireland, mostly from aerial photos. Some date back to the Bronze Age [=cBC2000] but most appear to originate from 300 to 1000AD. Ráths were used up to the 17th century and some subterranean chambers (‘souterrains’) have been found, which were normally used for storage, and occasionally for temporary shelter. A large ráth e.g. up to 100m dia, was called a dún, perhaps suitable for a king [Michael Richter, Medieval Ireland: The Enduring Tradition, Dublin 1988, p22-3].

807:  After several Viking attacks, the monks of Iona fled to Ireland in 807 and founded a new monastery in Kells, which was completed in 814 [Michael Richter, Medieval Ireland: The Enduring Tradition, Dublin 1988, p105-7.]

814:  Church of Columba at Kells was finished this year [Annals of Ulster, 814].

816:  The son of Tuathal, king of Airther-Liphi, died. Airther-Liphi is the area in Co Kildare which is east of the Liffey, according to the Index in the source [Annals of Ulster, Vol I, p309].

823:  By this time the entire coastline of Ireland was affected by the Vikings; they spared the communities of Tallaght and Finglas, probably because they were so poor. They could navigate the rivers as well as the open sea and were more mobile that the Irish. The monasteries were badly equipped for battle [Michael Richter, Medieval Ireland: The Enduring Tradition, Dublin 1988, p105-7]. The arrival of the Vikings led to monasteries being increasingly constructed from stone and the first round towers (bell houses) were built. Also laymen increasingly became the abbots of a monastery, rather than the exception, as they needed the skills of those who could protect the church in battle [Richter, opus cit, p110].

823-33: Feidlimid, king of Munster (820-46), was the first Irish king who was a cleric and the first Irish king to wage war against the monasteries on a large scale. These included war against Durrow and Kildare, and several attacks on Clonmacnoise [Co Offaly] in this period. He considered the old-style monasteries too worldly. Feidlimid advanced rapidly as far as Tara c840 [Michael Richter, Medieval Ireland: The Enduring Tradition, Dublin 1988, p107].

832:  The Vikings plundered the monastery of Clondalkin this year, before they made significant advances on Dublin. In 853 the Danish king Aulaffe, or Amlave, having arrived with a powerful fleet, forced all the Danes in Ireland to submit to his rule, made a truce with the Irish princes and adopted Clondalkin as a favourite residence. 12 years later his establishment was burned out by the Irish, who killed about 100 leading Danes, in a raid [Adrian MacLoughlin, Guide to Historic Dublin, Dublin 1979, p210].

832:  Diarmait, son of Ruadhri and king of Airther-Liphi, died [Annals of Ulster, Vol I, p331].

836 or 7:  A fleet of 60 Viking ships landed by the Liffey near the modern Dublin and occupied the rising ground and settled there, to all intents and purposes, permanently. In 841 a longport was constructed at the spot, so that ships were drawn up on the shore and a fortified wall raised around them on the land side to keep off attack [John Ryan, ‘Pre-Norman Dublin’, JSRAI, Vol 79, 1949, p68-9]. The Viking leader was Turgesius, aka Thorgils, aka Thorgestr, who caused havoc throughout Ireland. A similar fleet of 60 ships of Norsemen went up the Boyne. Between them the plundered the Magh-Liphe and the Magh-Bregha [=the plains of the Liffey in Kildare and the plains of the Boyne in southern Co Meath], attacking churches, forts and houses. The men of Bregha had a victory over them at Deoninne in East-Meath, the location not now being identified [Annals of Ulster, Vol I, p339].

839:  Turgesius’s fleet settled at Lough Neagh whence he ravished the north [John Ryan, ‘Pre-Norman Dublin’, JSRAI, Vol 79, 1949, p68-9].

841:  Taken as the year of the foundation of the first Viking settlement in ‘Dyflin’ [=Dublin]. [Michael Richter, Medieval Ireland: The Enduring Tradition, Dublin 1988, p108]. Areas which received their names from the Norsemen include: Howth (Hoved), Baldoyle, Lusk, Rush, Skerries; Loughlinstown, Harold’s Cross, Dalkey, Bullock Harbour; Ireland’s Eye.

844:  Turgesius’s fleet settled at Lough Ribh [=Rí] whence he devastated Mide and Connaught, and burned Clonmacnoise, with its oratories, and Terryglass, co Tipperary. Maoilseachlin I, aka Máel Sechnaill I, captured Turgesius who was drowned after his capture in Lough Owel near Mullingar [John Ryan, ‘Pre-Norman Dublin’, JSRAI, Vol 79, 1949, p68-9], [Annals of Ulster, 844]. This is the king of Mide with a castle at Leixlip. He was from the Ua Neill clan. The editor of the Annals of Ulster [footnote, p350], says Cambrensis’s story of 15 young men dressed as females is without foundation. [John Ryan, ‘Pre-Norman Dublin’, JSRAI, Vol 79, 1949, p68-9]

844:  Robhartach, son of Flann, abbot of Domnach-mor, died. No location details mentioned. [Annals of Ulster, Vol I, p351.]

845-6: 846:  Maoilseachlin I, aka Máel Sechnaill I, son of Máelruanaid Ó’Máel Sechnaill, became High King of Ireland and ruled until 862 [John Ryan, ‘Pre-Norman Dublin’, JSRAI, Vol 79, 1949, p68-9].

c850:  Viking cemetery of Islandbridge used from around this year onwards [Michael Richter, Medieval Ireland: The Enduring Tradition, Dublin 1988, p108].

851:  A Danish fleet from the north of England was not welcomed by the Norwegians of Dublin and there were indications of an internal struggle between them, with the Danes under the leadership of Ivar [Michael Richter, Medieval Ireland: The Enduring Tradition, Dublin 1988, p108], [Annals of Ulster, 850].

852:  Maoilseachlin I tried to treat with the Viking ruler and met him at his house near Mullingar; the latter promised everything and then plundered Maoilseachlin’s lands on his way home [John Ryan, ‘Pre-Norman Dublin’, JSRAI, Vol 79, 1949, p68-9], [Annals of Ulster, 850].

853:  A Norwegian leader, Olav, arrived in Dublin with a fleet and seemed to make a temporary agreement with Ivar [Michael Richter, Medieval Ireland: The Enduring Tradition, Dublin 1988, p108].

861:  Maoilseachlin I dies [Annals of Ulster, 861].

c862:  The Vikings plundered the legendary prehistoric graves of the Boyne Valley, outraging Máel Sechnaill [Michael Richter, Medieval Ireland: The Enduring Tradition, Dublin 1988, p109].

866:  Ivar appears to have returned to the Norse kingdom of York, while Olav remained in Dublin [Michael Richter, Medieval Ireland: The Enduring Tradition, Dublin 1988, p109.. Olav’s fort at Clondalkin was burned by Cenneidigh, Lord of Leinster [Annals of Ulster, 866].

871:  Ivar returned to Dublin, and Olav was forced to return to Norway; Ivar was for the next two years (until his death) ‘king of the Norsemen of all of Ireland and Britain’, according to the Annals of Ulster [Michael Richter, Medieval Ireland: The Enduring Tradition, Dublin 1988, p109].

879:  Flann Sinna, (=Flann the older) son of Maoilseachlin I became king of Ireland and ruled until 916  - corresponding roughly to a period of 40 years of rest from Viking depredations [John Ryan, ‘Pre-Norman Dublin’, JSRAI, Vol 79, 1949, p72].

c900:  The period of ‘middle Irish’ language commenced from 900 and continued to c1600.

902:  The Vikings were expelled from Dublin [Michael Richter, Medieval Ireland: The Enduring Tradition, Dublin 1988, p111].

915:  The battle of Cennfuait took place. It was mistaken for Confey, co Kildare by O’Donovan, who edited The Annals of the Four Masters, but was more likely to be in the south-east near St Mullins on the river Barrow, c7 miles north of New Ross (See Confey notes & text from annals). For the sake of inclusion this note is made: Sitric II, grandson of Imar or Ivar [I, and later to be king of York, 917-21], came with his fleet to Cennfuait on the border of Leinster. Ragnall [his brother, king of Waterford, 914-18, whose round-tower castle was in Waterford, about 20 miles from St Mullins] came with his fleet of Norsemen. The Norsemen defeated the men of Leinster and many (100 to 1100, depending on source) were slain. A son of the each of the kings of Leinster, Airther-Liphe [the plain of co Kildare through which the Liffey flows], and Laighis were killed. Sitric II travelled into Atha Cliath (from Confey, in 917, according to the Index of A. of Ulster, p27). [Annals of Ulster, vol 1, p434-5; the editor of these Annals does not accept that it was Confey, as O’Donovan contends. He notes that Cennfuait was on the border of Leinster, whereas Confey is several miles inland. He notes that the figure for the dead is written as “where 500 or more fell” in a marginal note on one MS copy.] [John O’Donovan (ed), Annals of the Four Masters, Dublin, 1856, year 915].

 Wood Quay excavations of the period reveal women’s necklaces of amber beads and children’s footwear [E E O’Donnell, The Annals of Dublin ~ Fair City ~, Dublin, 1987].

919:  After being defeated in England and confined to Normandy in France, the Vikings turned to Ireland again under the leadership of Sigtryg  (=Sitric), who was driven from Dublin in 918 by the then High King, Niall Glúndubh  (=black knee), but Sigtryg returned with a strong fleet in 919 and fought a battle near Islandbridge, killed Niall Glúndubh and secured power over Dublin [John Ryan, ‘Pre-Norman Dublin’, JSRAI, Vol 79, 1949, p72]. Note the finding of Viking burials in this area in the recent past. [Annals of Ulster, 919].

919:  The Vikings broke the stone church of Kells, and burnt another on the same day at Tuilen. The latter may be intended to be Tailtiu, or Teltown, near Kells, co Meath. [Annals of Ulster, vol 1, 919, p440-1].

920-37:  Viking power increased with several settlements beyond Dublin [John Ryan, ‘Pre-Norman Dublin’, JSRAI, Vol 79, 1949, p72].

921:  Sitric II left for York, England, leaving his younger brother, Godfrid aka Gothfrith, in charge of Dublin [Annals of Ulster, 920-1]. Godfrid reigns until 934 [E E O’Donnell, The Annals of Dublin ~ Fair City ~, Dublin, 1987].

Dublin remained in Norse hands for many years. The Viking layout of fields has sometimes remained up to the present day, indicating agricultural settlements. These settlements were small kingdoms, with a town forming the centre of the kingdom, the residence supporting themselves through barter and trade and buying some of their food. These kingdoms were smaller than the comparable ones the Vikings had set up in England, mainly because of the political diversity - rather than concentration  - in Ireland, and Ireland did not suffer another wave of Viking invasion around 1000 as the English did [Michael Richter, Medieval Ireland: The Enduring Tradition, Dublin 1988, p111-3].

934: Godfrid [=Gothfrith], king of Dublin, dies, and is succeeded by his son, Olaf, aka Ólafr, who reigns until his death in 941.

935:  The island of Lochgabhar (=Logore), Rathoath, co Meath, was destroyed by Amhlaibh, grandson of Imar; also the cave of Knowth, during the same week [Annals of Ulster, 935].

938: Olaf Cuarán [aka Amhlaeibh] went to York and Blacair(e), son of Godfrey [Godfrid], came to Ath-Cliath. A victory was gained by the king of the Saxons over Constantine, son of Aedh, Anlaf or Amhlaeibh, son of Sitric, and the Britons [John O’Donovan (ed), Annals of the Four Masters, Dublin, 1856].  See 943. The Annals of Clonmacnoise note that “Awley Cwaran, came to Yorke, and Blackare mac Godfrey arrived in Dublin to govern the Danes” for this year. This suggests that Blacaire, aka Blake, believed to be of Blakestown, came from the Orkneys to Ireland then, probably for the first time?

939:  Muircheartach Mac Neill, in a tour of the country, arrived at Dublin and took Sitric, probably a brother of Godfrey, as a pledge of Blacair’s allegiance to him [Annals of the Four Masters, 939].

940:  Clonmacnoise and Kildare were plundered by Blacair(e), son of Godfrey [Godfrid], and the foreigners of Ath-Cliath. Where in Kildare? No county yet established at this time; probably Kildare town. A great flood in this year so that the lower half of Clonmacnoise [south of Athlone] was swept away by the water [John O’Donovan (ed), Annals of the Four Masters, Dublin, 1856]. See 945.

941:  Olaf [=Ólafr] is succeeded briefly by Sitric [III].

943:  Sitric III is succeeded by Godfrid’s [Gothfrith] younger son, Blacair, aka Blákr [=Blake], and he reigns for two years, until 945, when Olaf Cuarán [aka Amhlaeibh], son of Sitric II, who has been driven out of York, takes the kingship from Blacair [E E O’Donnell, The Annals of Dublin ~ Fair City ~, Dublin, 1987]. Could this have been his move to Blakestown?  The Annals of the Four Masters declare: “Blacaire, one of the chiefs of the foreigners, was expelled from Dublin; and Amhlaeibh remained after him.” [for this year]. The Annals of Clonmacnoise state: “Blacaire was banished from Dublin, and Awley succeeded him in the government.” [See footnote, p655, Four Masters, 943].

943:  Donnchad, great-grandson of Maelrunaidh, King of Temhair [=Tara?] died. He had burnt Dublin in 936. 

943:  Muircheartach [Murtagh] of the Leather Cloaks, son of Niall Glúndubh, lord of Aileach, the Hector of the west of Europe in his time, was slain by Blacair(e), son of Godfrey, lord [king] of the foreigners [of Dublin], at Ardee, [Co Louth], near Clonkeen, on Sunday, 26th March [Annals of Ulster, 943]; [John O’Donovan (ed), Annals of the Four Masters, Dublin, 1856, year 941;  O’Donovan notes that the true year was 943]. Hector was the foremost Trojan warrior in Greek mythology, killed by Achilles. Muircheartach Mac Neill got his name after providing cloaks made of cow-hides for his army on this expedition. They were rain-coats.]

943:  Blacaire, one of the chiefs of the foreigners, was expelled from Dublin, and Amhlaeibh [=Olaf] remained there [John O’Donovan (ed), Annals of the Four Masters, Dublin, 1856.. See 944 or 5.

944 or 5:  Blacair [Blákr =Blake, the Norse king], abandoned Ath-cliath, and Amlaibh [=Olaf] remained in his place [Annals of Ulster, vol 1, p464-5]. He may have been the person who founded Blakestown, near Leixlip, where several mounds or mottes are indicated on the OS map of c1835. We hear no more of him. He would have been a young man at this time. His successor, Olaf, was described as a ‘destroyer of Irish monasteries and kings, who after a disastrous defeat at Tara after a long fighting career abandoned it and died a penitent in Iona in 981’ [E E O’Donnell, The Annals of Dublin ~ Fair City ~, Dublin, 1987, p45].

945:  The Norsemen of Atha-cliath plundered Clonmacnoise, [c7 miles south of Athlone] and the churches of west Mide also [Annals of Ulster, vol 1, p464-5].

946:  A hosting by Ruaidhri Ua Canannain to Slane, where he encountered Amlaibh [=Amlaff] aka Olaf and the Norsemen of Ath-cliath and other Gaedhils, including the King of Ireland at the time. The Norsemen were routed and a great many were slain and drowned. [Annals of Ulster, vol 1, p464-5].

948:  Blacair, son of Gothfrith [Godfrid], king of the Norse ‘foreigners’ was slain by the [aforementioned] king of Ireland, besides 1,600 killed or captured. Colman, abbot of Slane, was taken prisoner by the foreigners and died among them [Annals of Ulster, Vol 1, p466-7].

948:  The battle of Ath-Cliath was gained by Conghalach, son of Maelmithigh, over Blacair(e), grandson of Imhar, lord of the Norsemen, wherein Blacair(e) himself and 1,600 men were lost, both wounded and captives, along with him. O’Donovan writes the true year was 948, not 946, and that this was done in revenge for the death of Murtagh, son of Niall Glúndubh [John O’Donovan (ed), Annals of the Four Masters, Dublin, 1856, year 946].

950:  The Viking graveyard at Castleknock, excavated in 1938, dates to around this year [E E O’Donnell, The Annals of Dublin ~ Fair City ~, Dublin, 1987].

951:  Gothfrith, son of Sitric, with the Foreigners [=Vikings] of Dublin, plundered Kells, Tuileann (nr Kells), Downpatrick, co Meath; Ardbrecin, nr Navan; and other churches besides, and a great booty of cows, horses, gold and silver taken [Annals of Ulster, vol 1, p469, 950].

970:  The new High King, Donal Ua Néill, is defeated by the Irish of Brega [coastal land mass strip to north Kildare border], ‘with the help of Olaf Cuarán’ [E E O’Donnell, The Annals of Dublin ~ Fair City ~, Dublin, 1987].

976:  Brian Bóruma succeeded his brother as king of Dál Cais (the leading dynasty of Munster), and later king of Munster [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20; Vol III, p30-1].

980:  Maoilseachlin II (king of Ireland this year) secured a victory over the Dublin Norsemen at Tara, Co Meath [John Ryan, ‘Pre-Norman Dublin’, JSRAI, Vol 79, 1949, p74]. He was born in 948 [Annals of Ulster, vol 1, p464-5].

988:  Dubhdalethi, successor of [St] Patrick, assumed the successorship of Colum-Cille, with the consent of the men of Ireland and Alba; the successorship was the presidency of the Columban Order [Annals of Ulster, Vol I, p499].

989:  Maoilseachlin II captured Dublin city [John Ryan, ‘Pre-Norman Dublin’, JSRAI, Vol 79, 1949, p74].

993:  Sitriuc [=Sitric III], aka ‘Silkenbeard’ son of Amlaimh [=Olaf] [Cuarán], was banished from Ath Cliath [Annals of Ulster, vol 1, p503].

1002:  After joining with Maoilseachlin II against the Dublin Norse and their allies, the men of Leinster, in 999, Brian Bóruma entered Meath in 1002 and forced Maoilseachlin II to submit and relinquish his high kingship of Ireland to Brian. To this end, Brian had formed an alliance with the Norsemen [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, Vol III, p30-1.]

1007:  Ferdomnach was made abbot of Kells, ie, successor of Colum-Cille [Annals of Ulster, Vol I, p519].

1013:  The northern rulers, attacked by Brian Bóruma and Norsemen in 1002, now attacked Brian’s ally, Maoilseachlin II. Meanwhile, Bóruma rebuilt churches and sanctuaries which had been destroyed by the Norsemen [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, Vol III, p30-1].

1014:  Brian was slain at the battle against the Dublin Norsemen in alliance with the Leinster forces at Clontarf. The latter, notably the Leinster-men, was seeking to assert their independence of their Munster neighbour (Brian). The opposition from the Leinster and Dublin leaders (Kings Máel Mórda and Sitric [III, Silkenbeard]) to Brian Bóruma’s expansionist plans was so strong that Máel Sechnaill II refused to fight on Brian’s side at Clontarf.  Sitric [III] [Silkenbeard] also had Vikings from Orkey and the Isle of Man on his side [Richter, opus cit, p115]. Sitric had a row with Máel Mórda and he, too, took no part in the battle; he continued to reign in Dublin after 1014. Sitric [Silkenbeard] did, however, secure the help of the Vikings of Orkney under Earl Sigurd, but by the time Earl Sigurd arrived Sitric had decided not to take part in the fight. “ No one would carry the (cursed) raven banner (of Orkney) so the Earl had to do it himself and he was killed” [Cited from Orkneyinga Saga, written c1200, by E E O’Donnell, The Annals of Dublin ~ Fair City ~, Dublin, 1987, p48]. The editor of the Annals of the Four Masters notes [p798] that Sitric, king of Dublin, was the brother-in-law of King Maelseachlainn II, and the son-in-law of Brian Borúma, hence his reluctance to participate in the battle of Clontarf.

The Annals of Ulster for 1014 write of “A hosting by Brian [Bóruma], King of Ireland, and by Maelsechlainn [= Máel Sechnaill II] son of Domnall, King of Tara], to Ath-Cliath. All the Leinstermen were assembled before them, and the foreigners of Ath-cliat, and an equal number of the Foreigners of Lochlann [Danes] along with them, viz, 1,000 mail-clad men. A valorous battle was fought between them… The Foreigners and the Leinstermen were defeated at first, however, so that they were entirely annihilated. In this battle there fell of the hostile band of the Foreigners, Maelmordha son of Murchad, King of Leinster, and Domnall son of Fergal, King of the Fortuatha [= border territories]. But of the Foreigners there fell Dubhgall son of Amlaidh [=Olaf]; Siuchraidh [Sigurd] son of Lodur [in Irish: Siuchraidh mac Loduir iarla Innsi orcc], Earl of Insi-Irc [= the Orkney Islands] and ….. There fell of the Gaedhil, in the mutual wounding, Brian, son of Cenneidigh, arch-king of the Gaedhil of Ireland, and ….”  etc. Of Leixlip interest is the mention of Lodur, as there is a mention of Macenloder’s castle in the earliest extant Norman reference to Leixlip; see 1202.

1019:  Kells was plundered by Sitric, son of Amhlaeibh, and the foreigners of Dublin; and they carried off innumerable spoils and prisoners, and slew may persons in the middle of the church [Annals of the Four Masters, 1019].

1021:  Branagan, son of Macluidhir [Maclodher, Machenlodher], a chief of Meath, was drowned on May-day, in Lough Ennell, and Mac Conailligh, chief lawgiver of Maelseachlainn, died, after the plundering of the shrine of Ciaran by them both, after nine days of plundering. A victory over Sitric, son of Amhlaeibh, and the foreigners of Dublin, at Delgany, Bray [Annals of the Four Masters, 1021].

1022:  The Irish-Norse of Dublin are defeated in a sea battle by the king of Ulster, Niall Mac Eochada [=McKeogh] [E E O’Donnell, The Annals of Dublin ~ Fair City ~, Dublin, 1987]; [Annals of Ulster, 1022].

1027:  An army was led by Sitric, son of Amhlaeibh, and Dunchadh, lord of Breagha, into Meath as far as Lickblaw, Co Westmeath, where Sitric and the Lord of Meath were beaten [Annals of the Four Masters, 1027].

1028:  King Sitric III (‘Silk- or silken-beard’) of Dublin, now christened, visited the pope in Rome [Richter, opus cit, p126]. Later, he assists Bishop Donatus to found Christ Church Cathedral [E E O’Donnell, The Annals of Dublin ~ Fair City ~, Dublin, 1987]. King Sitric was responsible for facilitating the introduction of Roman model bishoprics, that is, ones based on territory [Richter, opus cit, p126-7].

1031:  Glún-iairn [=iron knee], son of Sitric [III] was killed by the people of South Breaga. 

1032:  Sitric [III], son of Amhlaeibh, won the battle of [the mouth of the] Boyne, over several tribes and 300 were killed or captured [Annals of the Four Masters, 1032].

1032:  Sitric III is said to have founded St Mary’s Abbey or Church, Howth [E E O’Donnell, The Annals of Dublin ~ Fair City ~, Dublin, 1987].

1034:  Sitric III’s son, Olaf of Dublin, was killed in England while going on a pilgrimage to Rome [E E O’Donnell, The Annals of Dublin ~ Fair City ~, Dublin, 1987]. 

1035:  Raghnall, grandson of Imhar, lord of Waterford, was slain at Dublin by Sitric [III], son of Amhlaibh, and Swords was plundered and burned by Concobhar Ua Maelsechlainn in revenge thereof [Annals of the Four Masters, 1035].

1036:  Sitric III was deposed, with several changes of leadership between then and 1052, when a Gaelic king captured Dublin [E E O’Donnell, The Annals of Dublin ~ Fair City ~, Dublin, 1987]. 

1043:  Sitric III and his dau, Cailleach-Fináin, died in the one month [Annals of the Four Masters, 1043].

1064:  Brian Boruma’s son and successor, Donnchadh Ua Briain, visited Rome [Richter, opus cit, p116].

1067:  Smallpox outbreak in Leinster [E E O’Donnell, The Annals of Dublin ~ Fair City ~, Dublin, 1987]. 

1072:  Gofraid I becomes king of Dublin, but lasts only two years before more iterations, with kings of Gaelic-Norse names [E E O’Donnell, The Annals of Dublin ~ Fair City ~, Dublin, 1987]. 

1095:  Great plague devastates Dublin for two years [E E O’Donnell, The Annals of Dublin ~ Fair City ~, Dublin, 1987].

1095:  Wolstan, bishop of Worcester, died this year and was canonised a saint in 1202 [Tony Doohan, A History of Celbridge, Celbridge, undated].

<1100:  The Wood Quay excavations show that Dublin had been closely involved in North Sea trade with Scandinavia up to this time, and after this time links with the south of England and France became more important. The excavated remains of Wood Quay houses from around the 11th and 12th centuries are quite similar to other houses from that time: made mainly of Ash timber, of one room of average size 12 x 18 ft, with a fire place in the middle and sleeping spaces along the walls. Walls and roof were made of wattle and daub [Richter, opus cit, p124-5].

1105:  Domnall, successor of [St] Patrick, went to Ath-Cliath to make peace between two warring Irish factions, became ill there and he was carried while ill to Domnach of Airthir-Emhna [which the editor signals as Donaghmore, Ratoath Barony of co Meath]. This Donaghmore is about one mile nearer to Dublin than Donaghmore, near Pike’s bridge. There he was anointed and carried after that to Damlioc [=Duleek, co Meath] and he died there [Annals of Ulster, vol II].

1111:  A synod of the Irish Church decided to organise itself in two provinces, perhaps following Gregory the Great’s model for the English Church, with archbishoprics in Cashel and Armagh. The Scandinavian bishoprics, esp. Dublin, were not included [Richter, opus cit, p128].

c1115:  Turlough O’Connor, king of Connaught, aiming at the high-kingship of Ireland, divided Meath between two of the Maoilseachlins, one of who immediately killed the other. In 1118 he expelled the surviving king of Meath, Murrough O’Maoilseachlin. After making a peace with him, he came again in 1125 and expelled him again, placing three kings over Meath, one of whom was killed immediately. Meath was almost incessantly fighting with Connaught [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, Vol I, p41-6].

1142:  The first Cistercian monastery was founded (by the Cistercian, bishop Malachy of Armagh (1113-48) at Mellifont, north-west of Drogheda. In the Anglo-Norman invasion, the abbey was given the protection of Henry II and later of John. “A small ruined church on the hill to the north-east, probably of 15th century, was used after the dissolution as a parish church; its pre-Reformation use was probably for the dependants and tenants of the Abbey” [AA Road Book of Ireland, Dublin, 1965, p221]. There may be a similar explanation for the use of Confey’s medieval parish church. Seven monasteries were added by 1153, and 8 more by 1172. 

Malachy, Cistercian bishop of Armagh (1113-48), is also credited with the introduction of the rule of Augustine which spread widely and rapidly [Richter, opus cit, p128]. The Cistercians were immensely influential and completely superseded the older Celtic foundations. [AJ Otway-Ruthven, A History of Medieval Ireland, London, 1968, p40].

c1144:  Wm Marshal, later to take over Strongbow’s role as lord of Leinster, was born, son of John, son of Gilbert Marshal. Henry I had granted the office of Marshal of England to Gilbert, which supplied the surname to the family. The office was hereditary. During the years 1170-83 he was a faithful member of king Henry II’s household, travelling with him to the Holy Land [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, Vol II, p200-1].

c1152:  A new division of Meath was made by Turlough O’Conor, with the support of Dermot MacMurrough, giving Murrough O’Maoilseachlin the western half and his son, Maoilseachlin, the eastern half [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, Vol I, p54-5].

1154:  Henry II retained as a royal prerogative, the building of castles in England, and the English nobles built their castles only with the approval of the king. But in English-controlled parts of Ireland, the aristocracy could and had to act largely according to their own decisions. The presence of their castles was indicative of their lands being ‘marcher’ land [= lands on the boundaries of area they controlled]. The English tended to settle in areas which were already being used for agriculture, rather than opening up new farmland [Richter, opus cit, p143-4].

c1155:  The Pope, in his bull, Laudabiliter, sanctioned the invasion of Ireland which was contemplated by Henry II, but it had not met with his mother, Empress Matilda’s, approval and so was postponed [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, Vol I, p82].

c1156:  Diarmait Mac Murchada was king of Leinster [Expugnatio, note 14, p290; See GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20].

1161:  The churches of Columba in Meath and Leinster were freed from having to pay tribute to, and subject to the jurisdiction of, the temporal lords in their area, and instead these would be due to the successor of Columba [Annals of Ulster, vol 2, 1161, p141].

1162:  Diarmait Mac Murchada afforded protection to a synod of 26 bishops at Clane. Upon the death of the bishop of Dublin, Lorcan O’Toole, brother-in-law of Diarmait, was elevated to Archbishop of Leinster, with the help of Diarmait and the Ostmen [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, Vol I, p62-3].

1163:  Archbishop Laurence O’Toole replaced the secular clergy of Christ Church with the Augustinians (canons regular) and a priory called Holy Trinity [E E O’Donnell, The Annals of Dublin ~ Fair City, Dublin, 1987].

1166:  Seeking vengeance for the earlier ‘abduction’ by Diarmait of his wife, Tiernan O’Rourke, with the backing of Diarmait Maoilseachlin of east Meath, and support of Rory O’Connor of Connaught, deposed Diarmait, as the Ostmen and north Leinster tribes defected from him [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, Vol I, p64-69].

1166:  Diarmait Mac Murchada leaves Ireland for Bristol from near Bannow on 1st August, 1166 [Expugatio, note 11, p287-8, and note 24, p292]. He met King Henry II in Aquitaine, France, in the Autumn. Henry could not help himself at this time, but provided a letter of comfort for willing supporters of Diarmait’s cause in his kingdom. After his return to Wales he fails to rally any forces to his standard. However, he met the Earl of Striguil (‘Strongbow’), whose fortunes had been diminished by Henry II and who was interested in developing new lands abroad in Ireland. Diarmait came to an agreement with him: for the earl’s assistance with an army the following spring, he could have Aoife, Diarmait’s eldest daughter in marriage and could succeed to his lordship of Leinster [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, Vol I, p91]. As Henry’s approval or licence to Diarmait was a general one, the earl of Striguil thought it prudent to obtain a specific consent of Henry II to travel to Ireland: he waited two years to do this [Orpen, Vol I, p93]. The licence he got was to aid Diarmait in the recovery of his kingdom of Leinster.

1167: Diarmait Mac Murchada returns to Ireland in August, 1167 with FitzGodebert, the first of the Normans, and submits to Ruaidri Ua Concobhair in the Autumn [Expugatio, note 24, p292]. He also submitted to Tiernan O’Rourke, whose wife he had taken 14 years before, and paid him gold. In return, he was allowed to retain 10 cantreds of his tribe lands, probably about the whole of the present co Wexford [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, Vol I, p141-2].  A cantred is approximately 108,000 acres, making a total of about 185 for the entire country. Each cantred contained an estimated 100 ‘vills’, each of which had 30 homesteads [Orpen, opus cit, Vol I, p110, reconciled with Geraldus Cambrensis].

1169:  Robert Fitz Stephen arrived in Bannow, co Wexford, in three ships in August 1169 [or c1/5/1169, says Orpen], accompanied by Hervey de Montmorency, uncle of Strongbow [Expugnatio, p31, note 24, p292], and thirty knights from his relations, sixty men wearing mail, c300 archers and tradesmen. Montmorency was sent as a scout for Strongbow [Expugnatio, p33]. They were joined by Diarmait Mac Murchada with c500 men [Expugnatio, p31,33]. After the capture of Wexford, the walled town of which was occupied by the Norsemen, Hervey was assigned two cantreds by the sea between Wexford and Waterford by Mac Murchada [Expugnatio, p35]. This assignment was indicative of the impact Hervey had on Diarmait [Expugnatio, note 30, p293]. The area called Insula, now known as the Great Island in Kilmokea, co Wexford, on the east bank of the Barrow river, and now no longer an island, was the caput baroniae of Hervey de Montmorency’s fief [G H Orpen, Ireland under the Normans, 1216-1333, Vol III, Oxford, 1920 & reprinted 1968, p79-84]. The lands were afterwards taken by king Henry, who gave them to Strongbow as part of the lordship of Leinster, and he re-granted or confirmed them to Hervey [Orpen, Vol I, p155]. Hervey signed himself in a Latinised version, Hervice de Monte Morisco, in a deed or charter of c1174 [Maurice P Sheehy, ‘The Register Novum’ etc, Reportorium Novum, Vol 3, No 2, 1964, p254].

1169:   While many disaffected tribes of Leinster returned to Dairmait’s allegiance, others such as Faelán Mac Fhaeláin, lord of Offelan, the tribal territory of the O’Byrnes, who at this time occupied the north-eastern part of the present co Kildare, held out.  Diarmait now drove him out of Offelan, raided his territory and carried off a great spoil [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, Vol I, p161-2].  Mac Murchada and his Norman colleagues captured Leinster, the former made a peace settlement with King Ruaidri Ua Concohair, by which Mac Murchada would be left with Leinster, recognise Ruaidri (aka Rory O’Connor) as the King of all Ireland and give him due obedience. Further, Diarmait undertook to send back the Normans once he had pacified his own province, and gave his son as a hostage [Expugnatio, p51].

1169:  ‘At the time of the conquest of the land of Ireland and long thereafter English of this country used the English language and English dress’  -  preamble to the Statutes of Kilkenny of 1366. Cambrensis also referred to the conquerors nearly always as Angli, ‘English’ [Richter, opus cit, p130].

1170:  The Augustinian Rule was observed in 63 houses in Ireland [Richter, opus cit, p128].

1170:  Early in 1170 Diarmait determined to march on Dublin city and with Fitz Gerald marched to the Dyflinarskirri or Norse district immediately adjoining Dublin. No attempt was made to take the city, but the adjoining regions were soon laid waste by plunder, fire and sword, and at length the citizens sued for peace and submitted [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, Vol I, p177].

In a footnote to the Annals of Ulster, vol 2, 1170,p165, is written ‘The order of events was (1) East Leinster laid waste; (2) Dublin submits to Mac Murrough; (3) Waterford taken with great loss of life; (4) Dublin taken, followed by slaughter of citizens; (5) Meath laid waste: (6) MacMurrough’s son and other hostages slain by O’Conor.

1170:  Mac Murchada now set his sights on Connacht, together with the kingship of all Ireland, and sent a message to Strongbow. [Expugatio, p53,5]  Strongbow was a nickname incorrectly given to Richard fitz Gilbert de Clare after he was long dead (in 1223). Richard succeeded his father, Gilbert FitzGilbert, who was called Strongbow, of the de Clare family.  Gilbert was the earl of Pembroke in 1148, but Richard was deprived of the title by King Henry II in 1154 for siding with King Stephen of England against Henry’s mother, Empress Matilda [Expugnatio, note 64, p299]. Richard was in fact, described by his contemporaries as the Earl of Striguil, Striguil being where he had a fortress at a place now called Chepstow, in Monmouthshire on the Wye River [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, Vol I, p85-9]. In May 1170, Richard sent over Raymond Fitz Gerald, a young man of his household, with 10 knights and 70 archers. He arrived at Dundonnelll, co Wexford, where he made a fortification and was joined by Hervey de Montmorency with 3 knights and men. They were attacked by the Norsemen of Waterford; 500 were killed and 70 men of the city were thrown into the sea, Raymond being victorious [Orpen, Vol I, p181-8].  

1170:  Strongbow came with Maurice de Prendergast, 1500 men in all, from Milford Haven to Ireland, arriving in Waterford on 23/8/1170 [Expugnatio, p65; also notes 75-79, p302]. Note that Philip de Prendergast was a witness to a Salmon Leap deed of 1207, a repeat of one of 1202.Philip was Maurice’s son; he married Maud, granddaughter of Strongbow [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, Vol I, p391]. Orpen calls Strongbow, Richard of Striguil [Orpen, opus cit, Vol II, p5]. He was joined by Raymond Fitz Gerald and 40 knights. Together they took Waterford from the Norse or Ostmen of that city, settling it with their own men [Orpen, Vol I, p193-197].

1170: Shortly after taking Waterford, Maurice Fitz Gerald arrived at Wexford with a goodly contingent of knights and archers. Strongbow, having shown his earnest intentions, then married Diarmait’s daughter, Eva or Aoife, probably in the Church of the Holy Trinity, Waterford [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, Vol I, p197-8]. Fitz Stephen built the first [?] Norman fortress of the motte and bailey type at Carrick [Expugnatio, p53, note 58, p298]. A council of war was now held and it was decided the next move should be on Dublin [Orpen, Vol I, p202]. Dublin had been for 300 years or more in the Norwegian hands. After the battle of Clontarf, it did not seriously affect their position in Ireland, as they retained their hold of the coastal cities until the Normans arrived. For the most part they devoted themselves to trade and peaceful arts, becoming more christianised, with their own Norse bishops, appointed by Canterbury not Armagh, and Norse kings of Dublin. The Norsemen appeared to have retained their position in Dublin up to 1052, after which the Norse seemed to lose their independence and by 1166, Rory O’Conor, took Dublin and was there inaugurated as high king, leaving the direct rule of the city to the foreigners [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, Vol I, p203-8].

At this time, Haskulf, aka Asgall, or Hesculf, was king of Dublin and had submitted to Rory O’Conor and with O’Rourke had been party to Diarmait’s expulsion as king of Leinster. Mac Murchada decided to avenge himself on Dublin and with the others eventually ruined it. [Expugnatio, p53.] On hearing of Diarmait’s proposed expedition against Dublin, Haskulf sought and got Rory’s assistance and that of O’Rourke, Maoilseachlain, and others kings [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, Vol I, p208-9]. O’Conor, aka Ruaidrí Ua Concobhair, king of Connacht, who was among the Irish leaders, was encamped, and bathing, by the Liffey near Castleknock at this time [Expugnatio, p83, note125, p307-8]. When the Normans reached Dublin, efforts were made at mediation by Laurence O’Toole, archbishop of Dublin, and brother in law of Diarmait. While the negotiations were proceeding, the Normans, Miles de Cogan and Raymond le Gros, attacked the city on 21/9/1170 without the knowledge of Diarmait or Strongbow [Expugnatio, p67, 69, notes 91-93, p302-3]. Many were killed but most escaped, led by Haskulf, in their boats headed for the Hebrides and Man. The proposed surrender of the men of Dublin to Diarmait was taken by Rory as a repudiation of their agreement with him and he did nothing to help the Dubliners.

Diarmait still wanted vengeance against Tiernan O’Rourke (who now held east Meath, in place of Donnell Maoilseachlain, who had been expelled by O’Conor) [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, Vol I, p214]. Diarmait then proceeded to Meath, plundering Clonard and Kells. . [Expugnatio, note 59, p298; and p69 and note 96, p303-4, cites the Annals of Inisfallen, for 1170, mentioning these places]. Among those defeated Irish leaders was Máelsechlainn of Uí Faeláin (ie north Kildare, east Meath) Meath [Expugnatio, p85, note 115, p306]. Is this when ‘Shaughlin’s Castle at Leixlip was ruined?

Meanwhile, Henry II was concerned about the extent of the lands and powers taken by the Normans in Ireland and issued an edict requiring all to return by the following Easter, or be disinherited and banished [Expugnatio, p71].

1171:  Diarmait Mac Murchada died aged 60, having ruled for 46 years, around May, at Ferns [Expugnatio p75, note 104, p304].
The effect of his death was to cause the Irish and established Norsemen to unite in a effort to defeat the Norman invaders, particularly those who had taken Dublin [Expugnatio p77 & 79 note 115, p306]. A large number of Norse warriors landed in Dublin, having travelled from the Orkneys and the Isle of Man and under the leadership of John de Wode, summoned by the deposed leader of Dublin, Haskulf [Expugnatio p77, notes 106-108, p305]. Dublin was surrounded by the arriving Vikings and surrounded on the land by Ruaidri, King of Connacht and other Irish, including Maelechlainn [‘Shaughlin] of east Meath [Expugnatio p79]. While this was going on two of the Norman knights, Maurice FitzGerald and Raymond le Gros, had been to see Henry II in France, apparently at Strongbow’s request, in order to assure him [Expugnatio, p81 and note 120, p307]. They, too, were within the besieged city with Strongbow at this time. Also Hervey de Montmerency, Strongbow’s uncle, who Giraldus disliked, was also there to visit Henry II on Strongbow’s behalf [Expugnatio, p89, note 133, p309]. Hervey was sent after the other pair brought back dispiriting news for Strongbow. This may explain the absence of a mention of him during the siege of Dublin. Hervey returned early in September and urged the Earl to meet the King, which he did, in Gloucestershire [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, Vol I, p247-50].

1171:  Three months after Hervey’s meeting with him, Henry II arrived in Ireland on 17/10/1171 [says GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, Vol I, p255, and Annals of Ulster, vol2, 1171, p171] and Strongbow resigned to him the cities of Dublin (and neighbouring cantreds) and Waterford, Wexford, and all castles, keeping the rest of his Leinster lands. There was no trouble for Strongbow [Expugnatio, p89, note 135, p309]. With the possible exception of a Norse castle at Wicklow, it seems there were no stone castles to surrender [Orpen, opus cit, Vol I, p251]. Henry II’s contingent consisted of 500 knights, many archers, about 4000 in all, and requiring [240 or] 400 ships to take them and their horses, arms and provisions. They also brought engineering tools and a few ready-made wooden towers, the royal tent, 1,000 lbs of sealing wax etc. Most of the army were tenants who owed the King service [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, Vol I, p256-7]. Henry II stopped for two days at Lismore, where he selected a site for a castle. This was later built by his son John in 1185.  It is noteworthy that John also built castles at two other places where his father visited in 1185 [Orpen, opus cit, vol I, p260-1]. He travelled from Ossory [nr Kilkenny?] to Dublin, arriving on 11/11/1171, by a route unknown, having set out on 1st November. On his way he received the submission of all the principal Leinster chieftains: Faelán Mac Faeláin, King of Offelan or north Kildare: O’Toole, King of Omurethy or South Kildare; and Donnell Mac Gillamocholmog, whose territory lay in the vale of Dublin [= Liffey valley]. He also received the submission of Tiernan O’Rourke, King of Breffny and part of Meath and Murrough O’Carroll, King of Ureil [=Louth etc] [Orpen, Vol I, p264]. Did Henry II stop at Leixlip to receive some of these submissions? It would have suited, being a point where several of these kingdoms met.

1171-2:  Henry II granted a charter to his men of Bristol to inhabit the city of Dublin, together with all the liberties and customs they had at Bristol. The charter was granted at Dublin [See JT Gilbert, Calendar of Ancient Records of Dublin, and JT Gilbert, Historical and Municipal Documents of Ireland]; [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, Vol I, p266]. Henry stayed in Dublin holding his court from 11/1171 to 2/2/1172, entertaining many of the Irish princes [AJ Otway-Ruthven, A History of Medieval Ireland, London, 1968, p50].

c1171-3:  Strongbow’s grant to Maurice FitzGerald included the middle cantred of Offelan [= Uí Faeláin], which lay in the northern part of the present co Kildare, covering Naas and Maynooth. This cantred descended to Maurice’s elde

c1171-3:  Strongbow’s grant to Maurice FitzGerald included the middle cantred of Offelan [= Uí Faeláin], which lay in the northern part of the present co Kildare, covering Naas and Maynooth. This cantred descended to Maurice’s eldest son, William, who retained Naas, while Maurice gave half the cantred with centres at Maynooth and Rathmore [where?] to his brother Gerald [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, Vol III, p112-3]. Exact date unclear, as original grants are not available.

c1171-3:  Strongbow granted the cantred of Offelan nearest to Dublin to Adam de Hereford, and this was divided between him and his brothers John and Richard. Adam de Hereford was the commander of the naval encounter of Cork in 1173. This occurred after a group of Normans plundered the port of Lismore and after taking their plunder aboard ships at Youghal, they were attacked by a fleet of 32 ships from Cork full of armed men under the command of the son of Turgerius, a Norseman. Adam de Hereford fought the Cork men with bows and arrows and defeated them, killing their leader; the fleet, now augmented with captured vessels, sailed in triumph to Waterford with their spoil [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, Vol I, p329-332]. Adam retained in his own hands Saltus Salmonis [Leixlip] and also Cloncurry and Oughterard. The castle at Leixlip is on a high promontory at the junction of the Rye and Liffey.There are mottes as Cloncurry, Castlewarden near Oughterard, Kill, Mainham and Clane. To his brother John Adam gave Kill, Kildrought (Celbridge), Clonshanbo and Mainham (Rathcoffey); and to Richard he gave Downings (nr Prosperous) [Orpen, opus cit, Vol I, p378-9; details are in the Register of St Thomas’s, Dublin, p 102-4, 75-89, 142-4 etc]. Note that there are also mottes and tumulus-like structures shown in the OS map (c1835) in Cooldrinagh, Blakestown, Collinstown, Kilmacredock Upper & Lower, Leixlip Demesne, and adjoining Knockmulrooney Turret. 

Strongbow also granted to Adam de Hereford half the vill of Aghaboe, the former cathedral town of the diocese of Ossory, near Durrow, co Laois [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, opus cit, Vol I, p388].

1172:  c March 1172, Henry II made a grant to Hugh de Lacy of the land of Meath, to hold as Murrough O’ Maoilseachlain held it. [Cal. Gormanston Register, p177.] Henry returned to Wales on Easter Monday, 17/4/1172, never to return. He regretted having to leave before building castles in some strategic sites [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, Vol I, p279 - 283]. Strongbow’s grant of (most of) Leinster from Henry II must have been written in similar terms; a copy is not extant. During de Lacy’s tenure (1172-1186) he built many castles both in Meath and Leinster. Most of them were first made of timber, built on mottes [ie, high flat-topped mounds], surrounded by ditches or moats, with a bailey, ie, enclosed area with ditch, bank and palisade, for the protection of cattle and servants’ quarters.

1172:  Henry II left Ireland on Easter Sunday, 16/4/1172 [Annals of Ulster, vol 2, 1172, p173].

1172-3:  Hervey de Montmorency gave a lot of his lands in Sth-West Wexford, which he had received from Diarmait after the taking of Wexford, to monks for the establishment of a Cistercian abbey there (constructed about 1182). The ruins of the large abbey are to be seen at Dunbrody, near the estuary which separates Waterford from Wexford. At this time he appears to have been appointed constable of Leinster by Strongbow, who gave him a charter of confirmation (which is in the Chartulary of St Mary’s Abbey, Vol 2, p151-4) [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, Vol I, p323-4].

1173:  Henry II, at war in France, summoned knights from Ireland, including the Earl and Hugh de Lacy in the Spring of 1173. Encouraged by the weakening of the garrisons in Ireland, Irish chieftains rose up and the Earl’s own household troops, who were subject to shortages, threatened mutiny. Under Raymond le Gros, an incursion was made into Offelan, ie in the north-east of the present co Kildare, where they obtained an immense booty, fresh horses and arms [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, p328-9]. This suggests that Offelan was not yet fully occupied by Normans and their planted farmers etc. Otway-Ruthven states Offelan had constantly opposed Diarmait MacMurrough and they were now finally reduced to submission [Otway-Ruthven, opus cit, p54].

1173:  Hugh Tyrrell built a (timber?) castle at Castleknock [E E O’Donnell, The Annals of Dublin ~ Fair City ~, Dublin, 1987].

1174:  After Strongbow lost the support of Raymond le Gros at the end of 1173,  Hervey de Montmorency took command of Strongbow’s forces, which were defeated under his command near Thurles early in 1174 [Otway-Ruthven, opus cit, p54-5].

c1174:  Hugh de Lacy erected a timber castle on a motte with fosse at Trim [still extant, but now stone], and another was built at Slane, co Meath. He appointed Hugh Tyrell warden of the castle. (The Tyrells were later to occupy the castle at Castleknock) [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, Vol I, p338-40]. With many of the king’s troops withdrawn to the war in France, including Hugh de Lacy, who was still there, Rory O’Connor launched a great attack on the Normans in Meath, advancing towards Trim. Tyrell summoned Strongbow’s help, but as the latter didn’t arrive in time (from the south) and as his garrison was small, he evacuated Trim. O’Connor found the timber castle empty and destroyed it. The castle of Duleek was also destroyed by O’Connor. When Strongbow arrived the Irish retreated and both Duleek and Trim were then repaired [Otway-Ruthven, opus cit, p55-6].

1174:  Strongbow established a priory for the Knights Templars, under the invocation of St. John the Baptist, at headquarters at the Royal Hospital, Kilmainham. "So powerful was its influence, that during 200 years which this order existed, it had actually acquired 16,000 lordships". Their conduct led the avaricious Philip of France to impeach their reputation and ultimately to confiscate their estate and to imprison them. Edward II followed this example and the Order was condemned, their lands were then bestowed on the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem by the Pope and the grant confirmed by the King. Under them the hospital became one for guests and strangers, to the complete exclusion of the infirm and the sick, who had always been received by the Knights Templar [Dublin Penny Journal, 9/1/1836, p221]. The Knights Templars were created to protect pilgrims to Palestine and combined this military role with a monastic life. They were modelled on the Cistercians.

1175:  In this year the Normans under Strongbow seem to have begun a systematic occupation of Mide. Clonard and Durrow were plundered, and the annals [AFM, ALC] state that the whole country from Drogheda to Athlone was laid waste [Otway-Ruthven, opus cit, p55-6]. Both Clonard and Durrow were Columban monasteries, as was, most likely, Confey Abbey. There was little or nothing left of all of these monasteries. It is presumed, therefore, that their stone was re-used by the Normans to construct castles in each of these places. Hugh de Lacy was murdered while superintending the construction of his last castle at Durrow in 1186, having already built a stone castle at Trim .It seems likely that Leixlip castle would have been among the earliest of these built after1175, as it was on a stoney precipice not on a man-made motte which required some years to settle; the stone of Confey abbey would have been used, if any, and any other to hand, of which there was plenty in Leixlip. [See AA Road Book of Ireland, 1965, for confirmation of Clonard and Durrow].

1175:  Pope Alexander III’s letter commanded the Irish bishops to assist Henry II in maintaining his Irish lands, under sanction. His letter, of an earlier date (September, 1174?) was probably brought to Ireland to the bishops in March or April 1175. [Pontificia Hibernicia, I, nos 5-7, cited by Otway-Ruthven, opus cit, p52-3].

c1175/6:  Before his death, and after confirmation of his lands by John, Lord of Ireland, Strongbow devolved much of that which was left to him of Leinster to Anglo-Norman settlers. Of interest are North Kildare [=Offelan] and Dublin. Dublin and the greater part of co Dublin were retained by the Crown. The district near Dublin had probably been dominated by the Norsemen of Dublin. Hugh de Lacy had power in his charter to deal with the lands about Dublin, but only while he was the king’s agent in the area. Some parts of the co Dublin were retained as ‘royal manors’. These included Esker, Newcastle Lyons, Saggart and Crumlin by 1200 [See James Mills, ‘The Norman Settlement in Leinster  -  The Cantreds near Dublin’, JRSAI, Vol 24, 1894, p161-75 for details]. The sheriff collected £36 odd in rent for the farm of Esker for the year to 1235 [Mills, opus cit, p172]. Strongbow seemed to retain for himself, Kildare (town), which was probably his principal seat; also Dunamase in Leix, and Carlow town, Kilkenny and Wexford towns. These five places eventually became the capita of his fief in the hands of the daughters of his successor, the Earl Marshall. In the modern county area of Kildare, at the time of the invasion it was in three tribal areas: Offelan in the north, (part of) Offaly – not the modern county – in the middle and Omurethy in the south. Strongbow divided Offelan into three cantreds.  The farthest from Dublin -  marcher or border territory -  the modern barony of Carbury, was given to Meiler Fitz Henry. The middle cantred of Offelan, including Naas, was given to Maurice FitzGerald, which passed to his son, William, and then to another son, Gerald. These lands included Rathmore, Maynooth, Laraghbryan, Taghadoe and Straffan, which Gerald had been gifted by William. The witnesses to Strongbow’s ‘charter’ to Maurice included Henry de Mot’ Moet’ (interpreted as Hervey de Mont Maurice? by the editor), William, Strongbow’s brother, Meiler Fitz Henry and Adam de Hereford [Calendar of the Gormanston Register c1175-1397, RSAI, Dublin, 1916, p145].

There may be significance in the fact that Hervey de Mont Morency [~ Maurice] was a witness; perhaps the charter was made at Leixlip?

The cantred nearest Dublin was given by Strongbow to Adam de Hereford. Adam decided to keep Saltus Salmonis (Leixlip) for himself, along with Cloncurry and Oughterard (nr Newcastle). He gave to his brother John: Kill, Celbridge, Clonsanbo, and Mainham (inc. Rathcoffey). To his brother Richard he gave Downings near Clane. Richard’s son afterwards became the lord of Clane (then called Otymy). There remained until recently mottes at all of these places, along with the stone castle at Leixlip, which is on a high promontory [For details, see the Register of the Abbey of St Thomas the Martyr, Dublin.]. [These details from GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, Vol I, chap XI]. Carbury was anciently called Cairpri Ua Ciardha, Carbury-O’Keary or –O’Carey. [Annals of Ulster, Vol 1, note 3, p500].

Hugh de Lacy seemed to be the castle-building specialist, supervising Timahoe for Meiler in 1182; another near here for Robert de Bigarz, also in 1182. Another at Ardee, nr Athy, in 1181. Strongbow also gave Adam de Hereford half the vill of Aghabo (nr Abbeyleix) and half the land around it.

c1176:  Strongbow bestowed Castleknock on his friend, Hugh Tyrrel, who founded a castle there. Tyrrel’s son, Richard, later endowed an Augustinian abbey about 1184 [Henry E Berry (ed), Register of Wills and Inventories of the Diocese of Dublin 1457-1483, JRSAI, 1898, p206].

c1176:  Richard Tirel [Tyrell] granted to Adam de Hereford, for his homage and the service of the fee of two knights, the land which he holds of his brother Roger [Tyrell] in Uriel [modern Louth, Armagh and Monaghan]…etc. and Saltus salmonum [the salmon leap], Grantor undertakes to perform fully to Adam de Hereford the fee of 20 knights in .. Limerick … Witnessed by Hugh Tirel, Roger Tirel, Richard de Hereford, etc., c 1176 [Edmond Curtis (ed), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, Vol 1, 1172-1350, Dublin, 1932, No. 3]. Richard Tyrel, Tirel or Tyrrell, owned Castleknock castle, he or his predecessor, Hugh Tyrel, having been given it by Hugh de Lacy on the king’s behalf. John (reigned 1199-1216) and Henry III (reigned 1216-1272) tried to have the castle knocked, perceiving it to be a danger to Dublin, but Richard Tyrell avoided compliance with the order [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, Vol II, p83-4]. The O’Toole and O’Byrne tribes, who were displaced, retreated to the uplands of co Wicklow, where they maintained their tribal organisation and a lawless freedom, and were afterwards from time to time a source of danger and injury to the colonisers [Orpen, Voll II, p133]. Hugh Tyrel came from Herefordshire and he was head of that family at the time of Hugh de Lacy and was a tenant of de Lacy in Herefordshire and Worcestershire. Richard Tirel was Hugh’s son and successor [For details of the Tyrell family, see Eric St John Brooks, ‘The Tyrels of Castleknock’, JRSAI, Vol 76, 1946, p151-4.]

1176:  Strongbow's died in 1/6/1176 [Maurice P Sheehy, ‘The Register Novum’ etc, Reportorium Novum, Vol 3, No 2, 1964, p253] from blood-poisoning or an ulcer of the foot. He is said to be buried in Christ's Church, Dublin. He had become Lord of Leinster (apart from Dublin, which Henry II kept) in right of his wife, Eva or Aoife. His only daughter and heiress, the infant, Isabel de Clare became a ward of Henry II in England and when she was c14 she was given in marriage to William le Mareschal [Marshal] in 1189. In this way he, Marshal, acquired the lordship of Leinster. [Lord Walter Fitzgerald, ‘The Castle and Manor of Carlow’, JKAS, Vol VI, No 4, July 1910, p314]. The Marshals had five sons, all of whom died without issue, and five daughters, all of whom married. Maud, eldest, m. Roger Bigott, made Earl Marshal in England in 31 Henry III; Joan, m. Earl of Surrey; Isabel, m Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Ulster; Sybil, m Wm Ferrers, Earl of Derby and Eve m. Wm de Bruce. The lands they inherited were divided, Sybil getting co Kildare.

1176:  Otway-Ruthven [opus cit, p63] reports that the Miscellaneous Annals (p61, 63) state that in this year castles had been built at Dunshaughlin, Trim, Skreen, Navan, Knowth and Slane, all in co Meath.

1176:  Kells monastery was destroyed by the Anglo-Normans [Brian Lacey, Colum Cille and the Columban Tradition, Dublin, 1997, p89].

c1176:  Henry de Mot’ Moet’ [believed to be Hervey de Montmorency], William brother of the Earl of Striguil, Meiler FitzHenry and Adam de Hereford are witnesses in a charter of Wicklow and Naas made by the Earl to Maurice FitzGerald [Calendar of the Gormanston Register c1175-1397, RSAI, Dublin, 1916, p145]. Indicative of the closeness of Strongbow, Adam de Hereford, and Hervey de Montmorency.

1177:  At the Council of Oxford in May, 1177, Henry II made several appointments in Ireland and re-grants of his lands there. Firstly, with the Pope’s authority, he constituted his favourite son, John, then aged ten, ‘King of Ireland’, although this seemed to be a mistaken label. Later (from 25/4/1185) John was entitled Dominus Hiberniae, Lord of Ireland, in his writs, reinforcing the territorial, rather than the national, significance of John’s role. This obliged the new grantees to do homage and take an oath of fealty to John as well as Henry II for their lands. Hugh de Lacy was given the whole of Meath, and he was also custodian of the crown lands of Dublin and north Leinster, including Offelan, Offaly and (north) Kildare, before William Marshal succeeded to the fief of Leinster (Strongbow being dead, and his child a minor) [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, opus cit, Vol II, p30-37]. See 1189.

1177:  This year, four years after the canonisation of Thomas Becket, archbishop of Canterbury, who had been murdered at the behest of Henry II, Henry II established a church dedicated to St Thomas the Martyr, under the care of the Augustinian canons of St Victor, and located on the western suburb of Dublin. The oldest record-volume now extant in connection with the Anglo-Norman settlement in Ireland is the Register of the Abbey of St Thomas, Dublin, from the late 13th century. After the dissolution of the abbey by Henry VIII, the register went to Dublin Castle’s repository, and it came in the possession of Sir James Ware early in the 17th century; Ware wrote his own history based on it. The abbey was given St Katherine’s, Leixlip [John T Gilbert, Register of the Abbey of St. Thomas, Dublin, London, 1889, pxii].

1179:  The Columban monastery of Lambay island was transferred to the canons of the church of Dublin; Swords, to the Archbishop of Dublin, and Moone to the bishop of Glendalough [Brian Lacey, Colum Cille and the Columban Tradition, Dublin, 1997, p89-90].

1179:  Pope Alexander III wrote to Malchus, bishop of Glendalough, admitting him and his successors to Papal protection and concessions, including the abbacy [?] of Glendalach with its lands “Lecconfi” with all its appurtenances; “Lecppadric” with its appurtenances. Some of these places seem hybrids of Latin, French and Gaelic. Lecconfi, is probably ‘the Confi’; as Lecppadric probably means ‘the [church/place of] Padraic’ [JT Gilbert, (Ed), “Crede Mihi” - The Most Ancient Register Book of the Archbishops of Dublin before the Reformation, Dublin, 1897, p6-8].

1180:  Laurence O’Toole, the last Celtic archbishop of Dublin died on 14/11/1180, in Normandy, after difficulties with Henry II. He was the last archbishop of Dublin of Irish descent for several centuries. Henry immediately sent his officers to take over the temporalities of the see of Dublin [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, Vol II, p59]. He was canonised in 1225 [Richter, opus cit, p148-9].

1181:  Henry removed from Hugh de Lacy the custody of Dublin in May 1181, partly because of jealousy [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, Vol II, p51-5].

1181:  In September 1181, John Cumin or Comyn, a deacon at Evesham abbey, Worcestershire, was elected archbishop of Dublin by the bishops and clergy of England and some of the Dublin clergy who had come to England for the purpose. Cumin was Henry’s nominee, and had been an experienced ambassador and a judge rather than a pastor. He was received by the Pope and was regarded as a cardinal. [‘ab eodem factus est cardinalis..’] He was consecrated archbishop of Dublin by Pope Lucius II on 21/3/1182, with great powers which led to disputes with the Primate of Armagh. Cumin was instrumental in joining the see of Glendalough with Dublin, effected fully in 1214. He is credited with initiating St Patrick’s cathedral and building the palace of St Sepulchre (now Kevin St Police Station) [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, Vol II, p59-65]. Cumin also had a castle at Ballymore Eustace [Orpen, opus cit, Vol II, p71]. He was the uncle of Geoffrey de Marisco (or Mareis) with lands granted him in co Limerick [Orpen, Vol II, p169]. Note that Cumin’s relatives came to Ireland; there is another John Cumin, not the archbishop.

Comyn is also credited with building Dublin Castle. An inscription on a monument in the then Corn Market, noted by Thomas Dineley in his journal following his visit to Ireland in 1680/1, has been cited as evidence of this and the fact that Henry Sidney beautified it when he was Lord Lieutenant in 1575 [Cited on p299, JRSAI, Vol 43, 1913].

c1182-3:  Hervey de Montmorency [and of Leixlip??] abandoned all his possessions, chose to follow the monastic life and took himself off to the community at Canterbury. This was a Benedictine abbey at Canterbury. Hervey had earlier presented it with the church livings of his estate at Wexford and Waterford [Expugnatio, p189; see note 345, p338, and note 30, p293]. 

SEE ACCOUNT OF ‘MOUNT MAURICE (HERVEY DE)’ IN DICTIONARY OF NATIONAL BIOGRAPHY, VOL 13, P1110-13.  ALSO JH ROUND, FEUDAL ENGLAND, London, 1909, p519-27.

1184:  In the summer of 1184 Henry II sent John Cumin to Ireland to prepare for the coming of his son, John [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, Vol II, p91].

1185:  Earl John, son of King Henry II, was made Lord of Ireland from 25/4/1185 [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, Vol I, p16] and came to Waterford from Milford Haven on that date with an army of about 300 knights and many horsemen and archers [Otway-Ruthven, opus cit, p64]. He was accompanied by Geraldus Cambrensis, and probably Gilbert Pipard or his brother, Roger Pipard, and Theobald Walter. Walter was John’s chief butler, and founder of the Butler family in Ireland. John’s trip was disastrous from the outset. John took away the land of the early Normans and gave it to newcomers, disgruntling the former [Orpen, opus cit, Vol II, p93-100]. John’s movements in Ireland at this time may be deduced from the charters he granted, which indicate that followed pretty closely his father’s route [Orpen, Vol II, p103]. At Kildare he confirmed his father’s charter granting Dublin to the men of Bristol [Vide: J T Gilbert, Historic and Municipal Documents Ireland, p49]. Orpen says that he probably also confirmed William FitzGerald’s grant to his brother Gerald of lands about Maynooth [Vide Chartae Priv. et Immun., p5 and Gormanston Register, f.190 dors]. He also gave lands and messuages outside the western gate of Dublin to members of his household and others; see Gilbert, opus cit. The caput of Roger Pipard’s barony was at Ardee, where a great motte marks the spot. His brother, Roger [?], may have been the original grantee; his great-grandson was Ralph Pipard of Leixlip, who surrendered all his lands to Edward I [Orpen, Vol II, p122-4]. John returned to England on 17/12/1185 [Orpen, Vol II, p105].

John travelled to Dublin via Kildare, making John de Courcy justiciar, the 2nd highest secular office and the king’s rep in his absence. He held this post until 1192. And Philip of Worcester was made temporary administrator of Meath [Richter, opus cit, p145-6]. 

Did John stay at Leixlip? John’s charter granting Dublin to the men of Bristol (See Gilbert, above, p49), written in Latin, was signed off as “Apud Kildar”.  This means ‘near, at, in Kildare’ or ‘beside, by with, at the house of Kildare’. The witnesses were Adam de Hereford (based at Leixlip), Hugh de Lacy (who had been given Meath, had his HQ at Trim, and made constable of Dublin as a counter to Strongbow), Gilbert Pipard, (of whom Orpen says accompanied John from Wales, and settled firstly near Leixlip, on the west or north), Bertram de Verdun (John’s seneschal = steward or major domo), Robert de Mortimer(the Mortimers were Lords of Trim and settled in Meath), Phillip de Wirecester and two servants .Given the location of de Lacy, de Hereford, Mortimer and Pipard [Pippard] it is plausible that Lord John was at Leixlip at the time.

1186:  Hugh de Lacy was murdered while superintending the construction of Durrow castle.

1189: About May 1189, Henry II, dying in France, promised Wm Marshal the hand of Isabel de Clare, Strongbow’s daughter and heiress, in recompense for his good service, and her lands too. A month later Henry II died and was succeeded by his son, Richard I, who confirmed his father’s gift. However, John, still Lord of Ireland, refused to give the Marshal seisin of his Irish lands, having given much of it away to others.  Richard I insisted and soon afterwards Wm Marshal seems to have obtained seisin of his Irish lordship, apart from lands John had given to Theobald Butler [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, Vol II, p133 & p199-203]. Marshal spent most of his time with King Richard I in Normandy, until the king’s death [Orpen, Vol II, p206].

Wm Marshal’s biography was written at his son and namesake’s request from written memoirs supplied by a faithful follower, John d’Erlée, aka Erleia, Erleya, Erleg’, Erlegh’ (as it appears in Latin documents). John d’Erlée received his name from a village now called Early near Reading, Berkshire. See 1207.

1192:  In 1192, after Wm Marshal obtained seisin of his lands, a castle was built at Kilkenny; this would have been Marshal’s first castle, but may have been an upgrading of one built by Strongbow. Around this time Marshal granted Geoffrey FitzRobert lands near Kells, where Geoffrey erected a mote, followed by a small town around it. The most important feature of the new (Marshal) regime was the formation of manorial towns, by himself and by his subordinate grantees after they had built castles. The rivers were used for transport and were bridged in places, to facilitate peaceful intercourse and trade [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, Vol II, p225-232].

1192:  King John granted an extended charter to Dublin; it was modelled on one he gave to Bristol in 1188 [Vide: Hist. and Mun. Docs. Ireland, p51-5]. An issue: Was it signed at Leixlip? [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, Vol II, p129].
 
1192:  John Comyn, aka Cumin, Anglo-Norman archbishop of Dublin, is attributed with raising the status of St Patrick's (cathedral) to that of a collegiate church, commonly but not universally held to be the current building [Adrian MacLoughlin, Historic Dublin, 1979, p174]. Comyn is a signatory to title to St Wolstan's priory and probably had a house at Stacumny, hence the name: s’Teach Cumini.

1194-1212:  On the river Liffey, about two miles south-west of Leixlip, in the barony of Salt. [St Wolstan’s] Priory founded in 1202 by Adam de Hereford to honour St Wolstan, bishop of Worcester. The grant was made between 1194 and 1212 [Mervyn Archdall, Monasticum Hibericum: or a history of the abbeys, priories, and other religious houses in Ireland, Vol II, Dublin, 1879, p291-6].

1197:  Archbishop John Cumin aka Comyn went into exile after pronouncing an interdict upon his archbishopric following great injuries to himself and the Church this year after conflicting with the justiciar of the day (Peter Pipard?). He had appealed to King Richard and Earl John, but without success; he had other quarrels with King John over property, amassing a great quantity for his see in his time [GH Orpen, Ireland under the Normans 1169-1333, 4 vols, Oxford, 1911-20, Vol II, p131-2].

Graveyard Transcriptions - Old Kilcullen, Graveyard

Old Kilcullen Graveyard

Transcriptions by

Anna Ryan

 

 

Location,

 

Travel straight through the village of Kilcullen and after a mile and a half turn left at the 2nd green bollard. The graveyard is about two miles on this road on the left hand side.

 

The round tower in the graveyard were used as refuges and as a storehouse during the Norse raids in the 9th and 10th century A.D. ad served also as watch towers and Belfrays during the 1798 insurrection in the course of a successful Irish stand at this point the upper portion of the tower suffered much damage.

 

This is not a complete list of burials. Most of the old headstones are to worn to read.

 

In loving memory of Patrick Blanney, Halverstown, died, 18th September 1936.

 

Erected by William Blacker, Esq. of Castlemartin in affectionate memory of Patrick Keough, who died, at Castlemartin, on 28th February 1885 aged 80 years.

 

This stone was erected by Patrick Brennan, for his daughter, who departed this life, 18th November 1807 aged 16

 

Erected by Thomas Brennan, for his beloved mother, Ellen Brennan, of Old Kilcullen, who departed this life, 1822? aged 44, also his sister, Eliza Brennann who died 22nd July 1867 aged24, and his brother, John, who died April 25th 1871 aged 22, his brother, Patrick, died 1879 aged 69, also the above Thomas Brennan, died, 1889 aged 68 years.

 

Pray for the soul of, James Brennan, Old Kilcullen, who died, 15th February 1884 aged 64, Catherine, relict of above, died, 16th December 1911 aged 95, Frances Brennan, died, 16th May 1978, her husband, James Brennan, died, 24th January 1964 aged 62 years.

 

Sacred to the memory of Thomas Buckley, of Linnrith? Lodge who departed this life, 26th November 1858 in the 84th year of his life, also his wife, Annie, who died on, 15th March 1860 aged 75, also their children, Sarah and  Thomas.

Erected by their daughter, Ellen.

 

In loving memory of John Burke, Old Kilcullen, who died,  19th July 1974 aged 77 years, also his brother, Robert, died 5th July 1977 aged 75 years, and their sisters, Sr. Mary Imelda Burke, Franciscan Sisters, Rome, died, 27th October 1975 aged 87 years , also the parents of above, John Burke, died 17th May1940, Mary Burke, 28th October 1944, and their daughters, Anna Costello, died,  13th July 1962 aged 72 years, Mary De Decker, died, 31st July 1974 aged 81.

May they rest in peace.

 

In fond remembrance of Bernard Casey, who died, 26th February 1939. Also his wife, Ellen Casey, who died, 4th February 1961, their son, Edward Casey, died, 3rd May 1972, their daughter, Louise Moran, died, 16th December 1993 aged 81.

Erected by Neal and Nellie

 

Patrick Cullen, departed this life, May 24th 1798 aged 24, also William Cullen.

 

In loving memory of John Doyle, Halverson, who died, 16th December 1944, his wife, Elizabeth, died August 1st 1936, and their sons Willie, died, July 22nd 1979, James Doyle, died, 8th April 1986 their son, Christopher (Dinty) died, 11th December 1999 aged 78 years.

 

Erected by Eliza Doyle, of Calberstown, in memory of her beloved father, Patrick Doyle, who died, 24th March 1886 aged 77 years.

 

In loving memory of Edward Dunne, Old Kilcullen, died, 10th September 1932 aged 62 years, his wife, Sarah, died, 12th June 1964 aged 64 years, their sons, Thomas, died, 31st March 1978 aged 60 years, Edward, died, 31st December 1980 aged 70 years, Mary (Molly)Dunne , died 24th March 1993 aged 67 years, her loving husband, John (Jack) Dunne, who died on April 2nd 1997 in his 82nd year.

 

Erected by Mary Ennis, Knockbounce, in memory of her aunt, Eliza Moran, who died, 29th September 1892 aged 83 years.

 

Erected by Patrick Keogh, of Castlemartin, in memory  of his father, John Keogh, who departed this life, January 21st 1832 aged 78 and his son, William Keogh, who died, 15th September 1863 aged 26 years, also his daughter, Annastatlna Keogh, who departed this life, 4th July 1890 aged 38 years.

 

In loving memory of Kathleen Willis (nee Whittle), Old Kilcullen, who died, 6th September 1994 aged 66 years, her husband, Patrick Willis, died, 6th October 1994 aged 73.

 

In loving memory of, Brien Bernard Whittle, born, 31st March 1920, died, 30th September 1995, husband of Betty and father of Brenda.

 

In loving memory of William Reddy, died, 16th July 1943, Robert Whittle, died, 26th February 1939, Mary Whittle, died, January 24th 1957, Patrick Whittle, died, May 21st 1939, Margaret Delaney, died, February 1935, Bridget Whittle, died , January 29th 1960, Patrick Reddy, died, October 4th 1967.

 

Erected by Joseph Perkins, in memory of his father, William Perkins, who departed this life, November 1800 aged 75 years, also his grand father, John Perkins, who departed this life, March 1789 aged 60?

 

Erected by Mary Tougher, of Old Kilcullen,  in memory of her beloved husband, Patrick Tougher, who died, 6th April 1910 also the above Mary Tougher, who died, 3rd November 1940, Esther Reddy, died, 18th January 1947, and her husband, John Reddy, who died, 3rd October 1960, their son, John (Monsie) Reddy, who died, 18th February 1991 aged 64 years.

 

Erected by Bridget Tougher, Abbeybawn, Kilcullen, in memory of her husband, John Tougher, who died, 26th April 1918.

 

Pray for the souls of John and Peter Tougher, of Old Kilcullen. Mary Flanagan, died, 18th May 1925, Margaret Tougher, died, 13th March 1928.

 

Erected by Patrick Tougher, in memory of his father, John Tougher, of Old Kilcullen,  who departed  this life, 10th June 1916 aged 74 , the above Patrick Tougher, who died, 2nd August 1951 aged 72, his wife, Mary Ann Tougher, who died, 7th May 1971 aged 89 years.

 

Graveyard Transcriptions from Old Kilcullen from Anna Ryan. If anybody has transcribed memorials in a County Kildare graveyard we would be interested to add them to the site. Thanks to Anna for offering her transcriptions to us. People interested in this area in Ireland generally should take a look at Internment.net

Leader's GAA reporting a long established tradition

Leader's GAA reporting a long established

by

Liam Kenny

Gaelic games in Kildare went through a halcyon period in the early 1900s: All Irelands in each of the first three decades consolidated the Lilywhite’s repute as a powerhouse on the playing fields. It was at local and club level that the seeds of such success were laid and the Leinster Leader carried reports of local fixtures which, often written in breathless prose, conveyed the rampant enthusiasm which surrounded even the humblest Gaelic fixture. One such report appeared in the Leinster Leader of 9 February 1907 under the heading ‘ Harristown v Two Mile House.’ The report began ‘ On the leather being sent among them Harristown broke away but their forward was checked by Keogh of Two Mile House and some nice play followed’. However the Harristown men (who were tipped because of their team being much heavier than their opponents) renewed their attacks but ultimately to no avail with the half time being reached with no score.
 
On the restart Two Mile House broke away with a ‘grand rush’ and some spirited play ensued. Three minutes elapsed in which ‘give and take play’ was witnessed and then ‘ a minor per Morris placed the Harristown men ahead’. The term ‘minor’  was used to describe a pointed score in the early years of GAA reporting. Harristown scored another point and there were no further scores. Nor were there any sour grapes as the report concludes with an endorsement of the referee ‘ The whistle was carried by Mr. John Kearney, District Councillor, Mullacash, whose decisions gave all round satisfaction’.
 
The Leinster Leader did not confine its coverage of GAA activities to Kildare with the club business of the neighbouring counties getting equal prominence. Across the county boundary in Offaly there was an item in the 9 February issue on a meeting of the ‘Rhode (Shamrock) Football club’ when upwards of fifty members attended. At the unanimous wish of the members the Rev. Father Seale consented to become president of the branch. His reverence spoke highly of the efficiency of the players, ‘as evidenced by the successful records of the past year’.
 
There was excitement among the Gaels of the Royal County too as evidenced by an item in the same edition which announced that a special meeting was to be held ‘for the purpose of selecting a team to represent County Meath in connection with the Leinster Championship against County Kildare at Jones’s Road on Sunday, 17th February, 1907’.   Jones Road later became known as Croke Park.
 
The central place of the GAA as a standard bearer of parish, county and national pride is clear from the detailed coverage afforded by the Leinster Leader to the games throughout not just Kildare but also Offaly, Laois, Meath, Dublin and Wicklow. Indeed given the presence of the then editor of the Leinster Leader, John Wyse Power, at the legendary inaugural meeting of the GAA in Thurles in 1884 it is not surprising that the paper was generous in its coverage of the emerging national games. There is no doubt that the careful attention of an early generation of Leinster Leader reporters and editors to the cultural phenomenon of Gaelic games cemented the paper’s repute as the leading sports journal in the province.
 
 
Compiled by Liam Kenny from the rich resources of the Leinster Leader files, Local Studies Dept., Kildare County Library & Arts Service, Newbridge.
 
First published in Leinster Leader 8 February 2007
Liam Kenny's article from the Leinster Leader of 8 February 2007 on the paper's coverage of GAA events 

Change to Kill Schedule


Monday 28 May talk will now be on

 

 'the Early Days of Aviation"


by Andy Flaherty



All meeting take place in the Parish Meeting Room at 8.30 p.m.

(unless otherwise indicated)

 

April 03, 2007

Onerous Working Conditions in the Health Service 100 Years Ago

Onerous Working Conditions in the Health Service .... 100 Years Ago
by
Liam Kenny
 
No news story dominates our modern media more than the health services. Hardly a week goes by without stories of trolleys, waiting lists, unease in the nursing and medical ranks, and ministers grappling to find solutions to a never ending array of crises. And it was no different a hundred years ago when a correspondent to the Leinster Leader in February 1907 wrote about the onerous working conditions in the nursing profession. Under the heading ‘ Nursing in Athy Union’ the correspondent wrote ‘ At the time a few years ago of the sad and tragic death of that poor, dazed and wearied night nurse, a well-known hospital surgeon wrote a very impressive article on the subject which he called “white slavery” in which he said: - “ After a day of irregular meals and fitful sleep, she comes on night duty about 9pm to remain up and keep awake through her wards during the long cold winter nights, watching the sick, attending to the serious cases, listening to the mutterings and ravings of the of the delirious ones and then tired, nervous, unstrung she is retired about 9am to go through the same weary fitful day as before.’ The writer, surgeon Charles Ronayne, went on to say that unless there was a more humane rota brought in for nurses then the Board of Guardians who ran the workhouse hospitals (such as Athy, Naas and Celbridge) would not be able to keep staff.
 
Medical matters of a different kind were highlighted in a publicity notice in same issue. If the headline to the item was unremarkable ‘A Modern Family Medicine’ then the sub-head ‘Bile Beans Are Unequalled’ was bound to stimulate curiosity if not the digestive jucies.   The 1907 spin doctor made the following rhyming pitch to Leader readers ‘ We are suffering much to-day from old fashioned ills but much more from old fashioned pills.’ Leaving little to the imagination the item went on to say that old-time remedies for the stomach and liver were almost invariably based on mercury, a destructive mineral which corroded the strongest constitution if it was used persistently. However if the old fashioned cure was worse than the disease then help was at hand in the shape of ‘Bile Beans for Bilousness’ which exerted a ‘ tonic influence on the secretory glands of the stomach, liver and intestines.’
 
Fifty years later in the Leader of 2 February 1957 there was a curious omen of another modern media concern – the cosmopolitan nature of Irish life, immigration and multi culturalism. Europe had been convulsed the previous year with the crushing of the Hungarian uprising. Catholic Ireland extended a willing welcome to refugees from what was perceived as communist oppression. One of the refugees, Josef Zsitvai, found solace in Monasterevin where he was employed by Mr. Holmes of the engineering company in the town. Mr. Zsitvai was even feted by the ladies of Monastervin ICA who organised a party for him. Although speaking only German he told the Leinster Leader correspondent through an interpreter that ‘The Irish people were very good and kind and he would like very much to remain in his present work’. Little did he or the readers of 1957 envisage that 50 years later the presence of Hungarians, Slovaks, Poles, Lithuanians and a multitude of other nationalities would become part and parcel of the fabric of modern Kildare.
Compiled by Liam Kenny from the rich resources of the Leinster Leader files, Local Studies Dept., Kildare County Library & Arts Service, Newbridge.
 
First published in Leinster Leader, 1 February 2007

Kill Local History Group - Remaining Spring/Summer Schedule

 Kill History Group
 
 
 
Spring & Summer 2007
 
 
Monday 30th April:   “ Thirty Years in Kill”
                                        John Byrne
 
 
Monday 28th May: “Sweetman, Norton & Harris – General Election 1957
                                      Liam Kenny (TO BE CONFIRMED)
 
 
Monday 25th June: “Archaeological Excavations along the N7”
                                      Noel Dunne [NRDO]
 
 
 
         
 
 
All meeting take place in the Parish Meeting Room at 8.30 p.m.
(unless otherwise indicated)

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